The Chickamauga Campaign

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THE CHICKAMAUGA CAMPAIGN

16 AUGUST SEPTEMBER 186

INTRODUCTION THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR

By the spring of 186 the American Civil War had become what seemed a permanent hardship for both the Union and the Confederacy. Hopes for quick victory had long since faded and the initial flood of thousands to the colors had ebbed to a trickle. Both the South and the North attempted several schemes to satisfy the war's appetite for manpower including, finally, conscription, which further lowered morale. The Civil War had become a wearying and expensive burden upon the American people of both sides.

Custom Essays on The Chickamauga Campaign

The American Civil War was fought in two separate theaters. The western theater was at first located along both sides of the Mississippi River. The eastern theater was, for the most part, centered in Virginia, where the Union, in the absence of any formal or well-defined strategy, had apparently made the seizure of Richmond its implicit goal. The Confederacy, numerically and materially inferior to the Union, had adopted what President Jefferson Davis called an "offensive-defensive" approach to the war that attempted to exploit the South's strategic interior position. Hence, while the North retained the initiative invading Virginia at will, the South moved its forces in reaction to repel each invasion. So the war in the east existed as a series of thrusts and counterthrusts, but no territory permanently changed hands. Success on the battlefield was measured largely in terms of which side suffered the most casualties. Even in September of 186 when Lee took the initiative and invaded Maryland, the ensuing battle of Antietam continued the sequence attack, repel, withdraw.

In the west, it was different war. Here the initial objective was clear'gain control of the Mississippi. The Union had, apparently, belatedly accepted Winfield Scott's Anaconda strategy, which called for a blockade of the Atlantic coast and control of the Mississippi River. Brigadier General Ulysses S. Grant's successful attacks against Forts Henry and Donelson, the bloody but important victory at Shiloh, and Brigadier General John Pope's capture of Island No. 10 set the pattern of the war in the west. Each success shifted the next battleground a little deeper into the South's domain, slowly tightening the boundaries.

Still, by the spring of 186, the war had moved no closer to a decision, neither gaining independence for the Confederacy nor preserving the Union. The summer of 186, though, would change that. Three major campaigns, Gettysburg, Vicksburg, and, Chickamauga, would firmly put the war on the road to Appomattox. Gettysburg and Vicksburg were decisive Northern victories with strategic significance.

The Chickamauga Campaign, in contrast, has been billed as a "shattering defeat" for the Union. And yet it was this "shattering defeat" that eventually led to the captures of Chattanooga, the Gateway City to the Deep South, and Atlanta, and opened the way for Sherman's march to the sea. Of the these major campaigns of 186, only the "shattering defeat" of Chickamauga led ultimately to the end of the war and the defeat of the Confederacy.

INTERLUDE AT MURFREESBORO

The conclusion of the Stones River Campaign in January 186 left Major General William S. Rosecrans and his Army of the Cumberland in possession of Murfreesboro, Tennessee. General Braxton Bragg, CSA, his erstwhile opponent in the campaign, had positioned the main body of his Army of Tennessee along a line twenty miles to the southeast, stretching from Shelbyville, through Wartrace, to Fairfield. Dispositions for both armies are shown in map 1.

Map 1. Dispositions in the Tullahoma Area of Operations, January June 186.

Although the dispositions remained essentially unchanged for six months, the Southern cavalry was very busy conducting raids against both Grant's and Rosecrans's lines of communication. The loss of the base at Holly Springs proved a major setback for Grant's operations along the Mississippi, and destruction of railways and depots resulted in the Army of the Cumberland having to subsist on half-rations for several weeks. Rosecrans, as later events proved, was very sensitive to any threats to his supply lines, but did not believe his cavalry assets were capable of defending them against enemy cavalry. As a consequence he bombarded Major General Halleck, the Army's General-in-Chief, with a steady stream of messages requesting the assignment of more cavalry to the Army of the Cumberland. Over time the issue became a source of irritation to both generals, but in the meantime qualified and appropriately equipped cavalry for Rosecrans was not forthcoming. In a flash of ingenuity, he mounted Colonel John T. Wilder's infantry brigade on captured horses. The brigade, which had styled itself the "Lightning Brigade," performed creditable service throughout the campaign.

The Army of the Cumberland, with 60,000 troops, had been reorganized by order of the Department of War into four corps XIV Corps under Major General George H. Thomas; XX Corps under Major General Alexander McD. McCook; XXI Corps under Major General Thomas L. Crittenden; and the Reserve Corps under Major General Gordon Granger.

General Bragg's Army of Tennessee, with strength of 4,000 men, also comprised four corps. The army headquarters and Lieutenant General Leonidas Polk's corps were located at Shelbyville. Lieutenant General William J. Hardee's (soon to be replaced by Lieutenant General Daniel H. Hill) corps was distributed between Wartrace and Fairfield. Brigadier General Nathan B. Forrest's corps of cavalry covered the army's left flank from Columbia and Colonel James T. Wheeler's covered the right flank from its base in McMinnville.

As the days, weeks, and months went by, Rosecrans remained in Murfreesboro gathering supplies, strengthening his bases, and keeping his communications open. It is likely also that he spent a considerable amount of time studying the terrain and the enemy in preparation for his next move against Bragg and Chattanooga.

After a few subtle messages urging Rosecrans to move against Bragg's positions, Halleck finally lost patience

I deem it my duty to repeat to you the great dissatisfaction that is felt here [Washington] at your inactivity.

And again on 16 June

Is it your intention to make an immediate movement forward? A definite answer, yes or no, is required.

Rosecrans's unruffled response, "In reply to your inquiry, if immediate means to night or to-morrow, no. If it means as soon as all things are ready, say five days, yes." was followed about a week later, in a message dated 4 June, by "The army begins to move at o'clock this morning." In fact, according to Halleck's official report of operations of the Department of Cumberland, Rosecrans did not begin his movements until the twenty-fifth.

THE TULLAHOMA CAMPAIGN

Rosecrans's plan of attack began with a detailed review of the enemy situation. His first concern was identifying the location of Bragg's main base of supply at Chattanooga. They also had access to "all the resources of the Duck River Valley and the country southward." Bragg's main army occupied a strong position north of the Duck River extending from Shelbyville to Wartrace with cavalry screening on both flanks.

His report included a detailed terrain analysis. He pointed out that the Confederate infantry was covered (and, presumably, concealed) by a range of rough and rocky hills, and he listed and described the six principal routes leading from Murfreesboro toward Tullahoma and the enemy's lines of communications. The enemy held all of the passes and routes. In additions to the natural obstacles, Bragg's fortifications also included a "redan line extending from Horse Mountain, on the east, to Duck River on the west, and was covered by a line of abatis. He estimated the enemy's strength at 0,000 infantry and artillery and 8,000 cavalry.

For someone who claimed a deficiency in cavalry and other means of reconnaissance, Rosecrans had an extraordinary knowledge of the enemy. There was a large presence of Union loyalists in the area and it is possible that some of these were providing Rosecrans's with information of Bragg's dispositions, fortifications, and intentions.

Knowing that Bragg intended to defend from his strongly fortified positions, Rosecrans decided to turn his right, or northern flank. The basic plan was to send Granger's Reserve Corps along with Brigadier General Robert B. Mitchell's cavalry to the west and then to the south as a feint against Bragg's left flank. Another body of cavalry and infantry would move toward Woodbury, to the east, to look like feints "designed by us to deceive Bragg and conceal our supposed real designs on their left, . . ."

During the evening of the twenty-third Rosecrans gathered his corps commanders and issued his orders.

Granger was to move the Reserve Corps to threaten Middleton, cover the passage of one of the XIV Corps divisions and then bivouac behind XX Corps.

McCook's XX Corps was to move down the Shelbyville Pike, turn to the left, send two divisions to seize and hold Liberty Gap at the Wartrace Road. A third division was to move to Fosterville and, after covering the passage of the Reserve Corps from the Middleton Road, move to Christiana to rejoin the rest of the Corps.

XIV Corps, Major General Thomas, was to move toward Manchester, seize and hold Hoover's Gap, and remain there to cover both Hoover's Gap and Millersburg Road. The corps was to remain within supporting distance of XX Corps.

Crittenden was to leave a division in Murfreesboro and concentrate the rest of XXI Corps on Bradyville and await orders.

One brigade of cavalry was to go with XXI Corps and screen toward McMinnville. The rest of the cavalry, under Major General David S. Stanley, was to join with Brigadier General Robert B. Mitchell and attack the enemy cavalry at Middleton.

Map . Rosecrans's Plan of Operations, 4 June 186.

Earlier, on the morning of the twenty-third, Granger had sent the First Cavalry Division under Mitchell down the Eagleville and Shelbyville pike to "make a furious attack" on the enemy cavalry there and push back the infantry outposts. Granger took the remainder of the Reserve Corps to Salem and remained there.

Major General John M. Palmer, Second Division, XXI Corps, and a brigade of cavalry moved to Bradyville "to seize the head of the defile leading up to the 'Barrens' by an obscure road leading to Manchester, by Lumley's Station."

All of this occurred approximately according to plan on the twenty-fourth as shown on Map .

On the twenty-fifth the question as to whether the enemy would advance against McCook or mass on the flank of Thomas's XIV Corps near Fairfield remained open. Accordingly, Rosecrans issued supplementary orders to his corps commanders.

Crittenden was to open communications with Thomas who would then attack the enemy's right flank and drive them toward Fairfield. The other commanders, McCook, Stanley, and Granger, were to continue their feints. If Thomas was successful in forcing Bragg's retreat, he was to send a division to cover the road to Wartrace with one division, and send the rest'rapidly'on to Manchester. McCook would then occupy Beech Grove, leave a division to hold Liberty Gap, and ultimately follow Thomas to Manchester. The others were to move on to Manchester as the evolving battle permitted.

Throughout the entire operation, movement was made exceedingly difficulty because of the heavy and incessant rain. The narrow roads throughout the region were poor enough in good weather; the rains made them virtually impassable. These conditions strongly favored the defense who had only to remain in their positions.

By the twenty-seventh, "It was now manifest that the enemy must leave his intrenched position at Shelbyville, and that we must expect him at Tullahoma, only 1 miles distant. . . . While this was progressing, I [Rosecrans] determined to cut, if possible, the railroad in Bragg's rear."

Wilder had in the meantime been sent with his mounted Lightning Brigade, supported by another brigade of infantry, to destroy the railroad bridge across the Elk River to sever Bragg's route of retreat. When they arrived, they found the bridge defended by a brigade of infantry and a battery of artillery and were unable to destroy the bridge. Wilder was able, however, to damage the road at Decherd causing the enemy some difficulties. (Map )

Map . Bragg's Retreat to Chattanooga.

Most of the actual fighting occurred in the gaps and canyons. The enemy had attempted, unsuccessfully, to retake Liberty Gap from McCook's division and later, on the twenty-seventh while it was still raining, Stanley's cavalry supported by Granger's infantry attacked enemy troops at Guy's Gap who carried out a delaying operation until the they reached their entrenched positions. A flanking attack and a direct charge finally drove them out.

Bragg's troops were driven out of Shelbyville and into the Elk River. Shelbyville was taken, according to Rosecrans, with its stores, weapons, and ammunition. Rosecrans directed his troops to continue to Tullahoma where he hoped to cut off Bragg's retreat. But when they arrived there, on July, they found the enemy had already moved on to Chattanooga.

Thus ended a nine days' campaign, which drove the enemy from two fortified positions and gave us possession of Middle Tennessee, conducted in one of the most extraordinary rains ever known in Tennessee. . . . These results were far more successful than was anticipated, and could only have been obtained by a surprise as to the direction and force of our movement.

Moreover, it was accomplished at the cost of 84 killed, 474 wounded, and 1 missing, an extremely low number for battle casualties during this period of the war.

While Rosecrans's report occupies six pages, Bragg's is contained in a series of brief messages given here in more eloquent form than any narrative could provide

Yesterday the enemy in large force passed my right after skirmishing sharply along my whole front for two days. The line of Shelbyville being too long to be held successfully by my force, I to-day resumed my position in my intrenchments at this place [Tullahoma] to await the full developments.

Finding my communications seriously endangered by movements of the enemy, I last night took up a more defensible position this side of Elk River (which now, by reason of heavy rains, is impassable except at the bridges), losing nothing of importance.

Unable to obtain a general engagement without sacrificing my communications, I have, after a series of skirmishes, withdrawn the army to this river [Tennessee]. It is now coming down the mountains. I hear of no formidable pursuit.

A letter to General Joseph E. Johnston on July is a little less imperious. Here Bragg points out that he was apparently ready for a battle to his front even against a stronger opponent, but Rosecrans did not take up the challenge. Instead, he moved against Bragg's right flank. Bragg claims he did not have the strength or the means to counter the maneuver "without too much reducing our main body." So, he withdrew to Tullahoma.

Then, Bragg reports, Rosecrans moved against the bridges over the Elk River, but by moving quickly the Confederates saved their supplies and got across the river just before the arrival of a heavy column of Union troops. These comments, incidentally, do not agree with Rosecrans's report, especially with respect to supplies captured in Shelbyville.

The rest of Bragg's report is best given in his own words.

We were now back against the mountains, in a country affording us nothing, with a long line of railroad to protect, and half a dozen passes on the right and left by which our rear could be gained. In this position it was perfectly practicable for the enemy to destroy our means of crossing the Tennessee, and thus secure our ultimate destruction without a battle [emphasis mine]. Having failed to bring him to that issue, so much desired by myself and troops, I reluctantly yielded to the necessity imposed by my position and inferior strength, and put the army in motion for the Tennessee River.

And a final message to General Cooper

Since my report from Bridgeport, the whole army has crossed the Tennessee. The pursuit of the enemy was checked and driven back at University Place, on the Cumberland Mountains. Our movement was attended with trifling loss of men and materials.

FROM TULLAHOMA TO THE TENNESSEE

The Army of Tennessee, as reported by both Bragg and Rosecrans, crossed the Elk River, and moved by way of University and Tantallon, crossing the Tennessee at several locations as shown on map 4. After leaving detachments to guard crossing sites, Bragg moved to Chattanooga and Tyner's Station where he started construction of fieldworks.

Map 4. Army of Tennessee Crossing Sites over the Tennessee River.

Once he had driven Bragg out of Middle Tennessee, Rosecrans began to prepare for the next stage of his operations. The objective, he stated, was Chattanooga, "one of the great gateways through the mountains to the champaign counties of Georgia and Alabama."

In his report, Rosecrans once again pays meticulous attention to the details of terrain from northwestern edge of the Cumberland Mountains to Chattanooga. In essence, the area is strongly cross-compartmented by several steep ridges traversed by poor roads and gaps. At the end of the Tullahoma campaign, the Army of the Cumberland was positioned as shown on Map 5.

Map 5. Dispositions of the Armies of the Cumberland and Tennessee after 4 July 186.

From those locations, the army could reach Chattanooga by one of five or six routes. But before he could consider crossing anywhere, Rosecrans believed it necessary to repair the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad and bring forward supplies which could not otherwise be brought overland by way of the impassable roads. When the rails to Stevenson were open, Sheridan's division posted two brigades to Bridgeport and one to Stevenson to secure the stores which were moved there in sufficient quantities to support most of the army by 8 August.

On 16 August Rosecrans began moving his troops over the Cumberland Mountains. In his plan he assigned routes in many cases down to the division and brigade levels. XXI Corps was to move in three parallel division columns across the Sequatchie Valley. Minty's cavalry brigade was to screen the left flank. Thomas's XIV Corps was to advance in two columns along Battle Creek and Crow Creek, respectively. XX Corps, under McCook was to send one division through Salem to Bellefonte and one from Winchester to Stevenson; his third division, under Major General P.H. Sheridan, was already guarding supplies at Stevenson and Bridgeport. The Reserve Corps was to follow the main body. By 0 August all of the Army of the Cumberland had crossed the mountains. "Thus the army passed the first great barrier between it and the objective point, and arrived opposite the enemy on the banks of the Tennessee."

ACROSS THE TENNESSEE AND ON TO CHICKAMAUGA CREEK

The next great barrier, the Tennessee River, would prove to be a little more difficult. Bragg had destroyed all of the bridges across the river so pontoons and bridging material had to be brought forward to Stevenson. To conceal for as long as possible his intended crossing sites, Rosecrans directed that the bridging materials be kept hidden until the last moment. Construction of bridges and acquisition of boats and rafts was completed on 4 September and units began to cross. XIV Corps was to move to Trenton, XX Corps was to go to Alpine by way of Winston's Gap, and Crittenden's XXI Corps was to move toward Chattanooga. Minty's cavalry and Wilder's brigade was to accompany Crittenden and the rest were to move with McCook. Crittenden's and McCook's corps had crossed by 6 September and Thomas's corps, by the eighth.

Bragg, observing that the main body of Rosecrans's troops had crossed the Tennessee south of Chattanooga and was threatening his communications, he believed it necessary to meet that threat or suffer having his supply lines cut. He did not think he could safely divide his force, so Bragg marched his whole army out of Chattanooga on 8 September and moved toward La Fayette to set up defensive positions facing the center of Rosecrans's forces.

This movement checked the enemy's advance, and, as I [Bragg] expected, he took possession of Chattanooga, and looking upon our movement as a retreat, commenced a concentration and pursuit.

On September, after Crittenden's reconnaissance discovered Bragg's abandonment of Chattanooga, he entered into and occupied the city as Bragg expected. Rosecrans believed from information he had available that Bragg was in flight to Rome, Georgia. He ordered Crittenden to leave a brigade to hold Chattanooga and with his remaining forces follow Bragg's retreat "vigorously, anticipating that the main body had retired by Ringgold and Dalton." Subsequent information made it appear certain that the enemy's main body was in the vicinity of La Fayette.

By this time Bragg had already received 11,500 seasoned soldiers from General Joe Johnston. Major General Simon Bolivar Buckner with 8,000 troops had also joined the Army of Tennessee, and there was word the Lieutenant General James Longstreet was en route from Lee's Army of Northern Virginia with 1,000 to 15,000 more. Eventually, then, Bragg could expect to have in the vicinity of 70,000 men and actually outnumber Rosecrans's 60,000.

Bragg's apparent flight toward Rome was a ruse which he further abetted with rumors and false information given by "deserters" and line crossers. The purpose was to lure Rosecrans's widely separated corps individually into combat.

During the th it was ascertained that a column, estimated at from 4,000 to 8,000, had crossed Lookout Mountain into the cove [McLemore's Cove] by way of Steven's and Cooper's Gaps.

This column was Thomas's XIV Corps with Negley's division in the lead. When Negley was about a mile from Dug Gap he found it to be occupied by a strong enemy force. Baird's division was sent forward to help. Both divisions fought their way back to a position forward of Stevens Gap. At this point it became clear to Rosecrans that Bragg was not, in fact, falling back but was instead concentrating his forces at La Fayette behind Pigeon Mountain. His own units were disposed as shown on map 6 along a line some 40 miles long from end to the other with the intention of cutting off Bragg's retreat and hitting on the flank. But Bragg was not in retreat and, as he put it, "It was therefore a matter of life and death to effect the concentration of the army."

Map 6. Dispositions on 10 September 186.

Bragg apparently did not have the big picture with respect to Rosecrans's dispositions; he knew there was a body of troops, 4,000 to 5,000 strong near Stevens Gap and possibly another column to the north at Cooper's Gap of unknown strength. In any event, Bragg did not waste any time getting orders out to Major General Hindman to attack this force near Davis' crossroads. He also alerted Lieutenant General Hill to take or send Major General Cleburne's divisions to joint Hindman in the morning.

One can only imagine Bragg's reaction when Hill replied that his movement and support of Hindman was "impracticable" because Cleburne was ill and, furthermore, his route to Davis' crossroads through Dug and Catlett's gaps was blocked by fallen timbers. Possibly angry but still determined to seize this opportunity, Bragg sent orders to Buckner to move his two divisions to support Hindman who was already in position. Buckner joined Hindman at Morgan's, three or four miles from Davis' crossroads on the afternoon of the tenth.

Meanwhile, Bragg was looking beyond the immediate opportunity.

Reports fully confirming previous information in regard to the position of the enemy's forces were received during the 10th, and it became certain he was moving his three columns to form a junction upon us at or near La Fayette.

The corps near Colonel Winston's [McCook] moved on the mountain toward Alpine, a point 0 miles south of us. The one opposite the cove [Thomas] continued its movement and threw forward its advance to Davis' Cross-Roads, and Crittenden moved from Chattanooga on the roads to Ringgold and Lee and Gordon's Mills. To strike these isolated commands in succession was our obvious policy (emphasis added).

Bragg then received a communication from Buckner and Hindman, who had joined, to recommend a change in the plan of attack. Bragg's report does not reflect the state of his temper when it matter of factly states "After hearing the report of this officer, . . . I verbally direct the major to return to General Hindman and say that my plans could not be changed, and that he would carry out his orders."

Cleburne, in the meantime, apparently experiencing a miraculous cure, was at Dug Gap where Walker's Reserve Corps was ordered to move. Cleburne promptly removed all the obstructions in Dug and Catlett's Gaps. Units were organized and disposed in preparation for the attack against Thomas. At daylight Bragg himself arrived at Dug Gap where he found Cleburne waiting for the opening of Hindman's guns to move on the flank and rear of the enemy.

Most of the day was spent in this position, waiting in great anxiety for the attack by Hindman's columns. Several couriers and two staff officers were dispatched at different times urging him to move with promptness and vigor.

About the middle of the afternoon the first gun was heard, when the advance of Cleburne's division discovered the enemy had taken advantage of our delay and retreated to the mountain passes.

Still undiscouraged, Bragg turned to the north where Crittenden was still moving south from Chattanooga. Knowing that Crittenden's force was divided, he sent Lieutenant General Polk a message, presenting him "a fine opportunity of striking Crittenden in detail, and I hope you will avail yourself of it at daylight to-morrow. . . . I I shall be delighted to hear of your success." Two more messages followed directing his action against Crittenden. At 11 PM that evening Bragg got a dispatch from Polk indicating he had set up a strong defense and requesting reinforcements. This time some of Bragg's rage seeps through the official verbiage of his report. "He was promptly ordered not to defer his attack, his force being already numerically superior to the enemy, and was reminded that his success depended upon the promptness and rapidity of his movements."

But this opportunity too was not to be seized. "Again disappointed, immediate measures were taken to place our trains and limited supplies in safe positions, when all our forces were concentrated along the Chickamauga, threatening the enemy in front."

So he redeployed his forces along the Chickamauga, as shown on map 7, where he remained until the eighteenth.

Map 7. Bragg's Plans for 18 September 186.

On the evening of 17 September Bragg announced his plan of action to begin at 6 AM the next morning.

Johnson's column to cross the Chickamauga at or near Reed's Bridge, turns to the left and sweeps up the Chickamauga toward Lee and Gordon's Mill.

Walker to cross at Alexander's Bridge, join with Johnson and push the enemy's flank and rear.

Buckner to cross the Chickamauga and join in the movement to the left.

Polk to cross the Chickamauga wherever possible and join the battle.

Hill to cover the army's left flank and attack the flank of any enemy reinforcement.

Wheeler's cavalry to hold the gaps in Pigeon Mountain and cover the army's rear and left.

Meanwhile, Rosecrans's forces were in motion to establish a defensive line generally along the Rossville La Fayette Road from Rossville in the north to Crawfish Spring in the south. Crittenden's corps was at Lee and Gordon's Mills, Thomas's corps was at Pond Spring, and McCook's was as Stevens Gap. Minty's brigade of cavalry and Wilder's mounted brigade were east of Reed's Bridge along the Ringgold Road; the remainder of the cavalry, Mitchell's corps, was covering the army's right flank along the road from Alpine to McLemore's Cove

THE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA

The first three brigades of Longstreet's corps from the Army of Northern Virginia arrived on the morning of 18 September. Six others in addition to Alexander's artillery battalion were still on the way.

Bragg's plans and dispositions were such that he apparently wanted to accomplish two objectives first, get between Rosecrans's army and Chattanooga; second, drive the army into McLemore's Cove where he could destroy it.

Rosecrans figured out Bragg's plan and began to reposition his forces to counter it. So on the morning of the 18th Thomas's corps began to move to the area between Reed's Bridge and Alexander's Bridge. McCook also moved in that direction behind Thomas.

Bushrod Johnson's confederate column, attempting to cross Reed's Bridge on the 18th, encountered Minty's cavalry who successfully prevented its crossing for most of the day. Wilder's brigade also successfully blocked Walker's crossing of Alexander's Bridge, forcing him to move further south to Lambert's Ford to cross. Hood joined Bushrod Johnson's column about 4 PM and finally pushed Minty's cavalry back. Both Minty and Wilder were pushed back beyond the La Fayette Road, and the Confederates began to cross the Chickamauga in force.

Map 8. Situation at Dawn, 1 September 186.

By the morning of the 1th all but three divisions of the Army of Tennessee was across and deployed along the west bank of the creek, map 8. Thomas, hearing that only a single brigade had crossed, sent two brigades forward to conduct a reconnaissance and attack any small force encountered. "The advance brigade, supported by the rest of the divison, soon encountered a strong body of the enemy [Forrest's dismounted cavalry], attacked it vigorously, and drove it back more than half a mile, where a very strong column of the enemy was found, with the evident intention of turning our left and gaining possession of the La Fayette road between us and Chattanooga." Then began a progressive series of battles as units were fed into battle from north to south.

At one point Stewart's division penetrated Rosecrans's center, but adjustments in the locations of Negley's and Brannan's divisions were able to restore the line. The battle raged throughout the day until "The roar of battle hushed in the darkness of night, and out troops, weary with a night of marching and a day of fighting, rested on their arms, having everywhere maintained their positions, developed the enemy, and gained . . . the great object of the battle of the 1th of September."

Longstreet, with two more brigades, arrived on the twentieth. That evening Bragg summoned his commanders and laid out his plans for the next day. The army was reorganized into two wings Longstreet would command the left wing and Polk, the right.

Lieutenant General Polk was ordered to assail the enemy on our extreme right at day dawn on the 0th, and to take up the attack in succession rapidly to the left. The left wing was to await the attack by the right, take it up promptly when made, and the whole line was then to be pushed vigorously and persistently against the enemy throughout its extent.

The next morning Bragg was mounted and "occupying a position immediately in rear of and accessible to all parts of the line." Polk was not in place and his troops were not ready to attack to Bragg's great chagrin. When the assault finally began at 10 o'clock, the troops were fed piecemeal against prepared positions and driven back with heavy losses. Bragg's narrative continues in a confusing manner discussing the assault by Polk.

About 4 p.m. this general assault was made and the attack was continued from right to left until the enemy gave way at different points, and finally, about dark, yielded us his line. . . .

The enemy though driven from his line, still confronted us, and desultory firing was heard until 8 p.m.

He gives no indication that he was aware that Longstreet had broken through and that all but Thomas's corps'including Rosecrans'had abandoned the field and fled to Chattanooga.

Rosecrans, too, met with his commanders the evening before to discuss plans for the next day. Thomas was to stay where he was. McCook was to remain in his location until his pickets were driven in and then he was to close on Thomas with his right flank refused (that is, bent back to the right). Crittenden was to have two divisions in reserve behind the junction between Thomas and McCook. In the morning Rosecrans inspected the positions and made adjustments. Rosecrans's narrative at this point is confusing and spends considerable time discussing dissatisfaction with various unit positions. The upshot was that all of the units should be closed to the left, toward Thomas.

Rosecrans was still in the act of adjusting his lines as the battle began. In the course of the day, Thomas who was taking the brunt of Polk's assault was asking for reinforcements. Informed that Brannan's division was out of line and Reynolds's right flank was open, Rosecrans sent orders to Wood, who was to Brannan's immediate right, to close up on Reynolds. Wood followed the directions literally, figure 1.

Figure 1. Wood's Movement to Reynolds's Right.

When the error was discovered, Davis was ordered to close his division on Wood's division. Rosecrans describes the ensuing events

By this unfortunate mistake a gap was opened in the line of battle, of which the enemy took instant advantage, and striking Davis in flank and rear, as well as in front, threw his whole division in confusion.

The same attack shattered the right brigade of Wood before it had cleared the space. The right of Brannan was thrown back, and two of his batteries, then in movement to a new position, were taken in flank and thrown back through two brigade of Van Cleve, then on the march to the left, throwing his division into confusion from which it never recovered until it reached Rossville. . . . the enemy poured in through this breach.

The Army of the Cumberland fell back in disorder except for Thomas's XIV Corps. Longstreet continued his assault pushing Brannan and Reynolds to the right and bending Thomas's line as shown in map .

Map . Situation at 00 P.M., 0 September 186.

Thomas's corps, supported by two divisions from Granger's Reserve Corps, stood fast for the rest of the day. Longstreet continued his assault on Thomas's left with two divisions and a battery of artillery against Brannan and Reynolds and Polk remained along the front of Thomas's line of troops as he had for most of the day. Longstreet made a last charge at sunset where they were met with bayonets and driven back not to return.

At nightfall the enemy had been repulsed along the whole line, and sunk into quietude without attempting to renew the combat.

General Thomas, considering the excessive labors of the troops, the scarcity of ammunition, food, and water, and having orders from the general commanding to use his discretion, determined to retire on Rossville, where they arrived in good order, took post before morning, receiving supplies from Chattanooga, and offering the enemy battle during all the next day and repulsing his reconnaissance.

Bragg did not order a pursuit because he believed it would have been unrewarding and because his troops were "weak and exhausted."

Thus ended the Battle of Chickamauga, a Federal defeat because the Army of the Cumberland had abandoned the battlefield. Federal casualties were 1,657 killed, ,756 wounded, and 4,757 captured or missing, for a total of 16,170. Confederate casualties totaled 18,454.

ANALYSIS

Who won the Battle Chickamauga? Using one standard of success traditionally observed since the intramural wars of the ancient Greeks, when victors erected trophies on the sites of their victories, the Army of Tennessee won the Battle of Chickamauga. When the battle was over, Bragg was in possession of the battlefield. And so it is reported in most histories of the Civil War. Some have even labeled it a "shattering defeat" for the Union. Other factors, though, when viewed objectively, would seem to make the defeat a little less "shattering." Bragg's army suffered more casualties, but this measure of victory though more important than mere possession of the battlefield is not convincing either. There were two objectives, however, that Bragg, though he recognized and attempted to achieve them, failed to accomplish. He did not regain Chattanooga and he did not destroy Rosecrans's army. Although it happens that Rosecrans's occupation of Chattanooga was not a pleasant experience'his army was besieged and starving'it was nonetheless denied to Bragg.

It is also important to observe Rosecrans's actions, when he was led to believe that Bragg was in flight to Rome, Georgia around the th of September. He directed Crittenden to leave a brigade in Chattanooga, but his main focus was upon pursuing Bragg, presumably to destroy his army. Bragg, at the end of the battle, did not pursue (a blunder, in the opinions of at least Longstreet and Forrest).

There are several salient errors in the operations of both sides. Before launching into heavy criticism of commanders who had immense responsibilities and spans of control, however, it is worth considering several factors in mitigation. Both Rosecrans and Bragg with sixty and seventy thousand men respectively under their commands have to be respected for the fact that by today's standards they controlled the entire battle and campaign directly. They had no staffs of any consequence and they virtually operated from a campfire. Indeed, one criticism that comes easily from a close examination of the battle is that both commanders, but most especially Rosecrans, got involved directly with lower levels of command. Neither allowed their corps commanders to run their own battles. This is certainly understandable in Bragg's case when he had the likes of Polk who not only failed to take the initiative, but also several times had actually obstructed Bragg's orders. Rosecrans, however, with subordinates like Thomas and Granger who had demonstrated abilities to respond well to battlefield events in the most stressful situations, should have taken better advantage of these talents.

As someone who has experienced the fog of war at first hand, even in this age of electronic communications and rapid mobility, it is impressive to observe how well commanders functioned on the Civil War battlefield. This was especially true for Chickamauga where the dense undergrowth and rugged terrain often reduced visibility to just a few yards. Although tactics were far less complicated than they are today, even to keep men in line and moving in what must have been the most lethal environment known to man was no small feat.

Of interest to students of warfare are the strong influences of Napoleon and Jomini. Almost all of the commanders on both sides were graduates at West Point where they had studied Napoleon's campaigns and Jomini's The Art of War under the tutelage of Dennis Hart Mahan. The Tullahoma Campaign is an almost perfect abstraction of maneuver on the battlefield. The only casualties occurred during fighting to gain access to mountain passes and gaps. Otherwise, the campaign was a choreography of maneuver. Rosecrans was trying to maneuver on Bragg's rear and Bragg recognizing the tactic for what it was, maneuvered away. Hence, Bragg was "maneuvered" out of Middle Tennessee almost without bloodshed.

It is interesting also to observe the validation of much of what Clausewitz had to say about warfare. Ironically, Clausewitz was unknown to most professional American soldiers. So while Jomini advocated objectives of maneuver and position, Clausewitz advocated destruction of the enemy.

Since in the engagement everything is concentrated on the destruction of the enemy, or rather of his armed forces, which is inherent in its very concept, it follows that the destruction of the enemy's forces is always the means by which the purpose of the engagement is achieved.

Jomini does not mention the words "luck," "chance," or "fortune." Clausewitz, on the other hand claims that chance is always present in warfare

It is now quite clear how greatly the objective nature of war makes it a matter of assessing probabilities. Only one more element is needed to make war a gamble'chance the very last thing that war lacks. No other human activity is so continuously or universally bound up with chance. And through the element of chance, guesswork and luck come to play a great part in war.

There is no better demonstration of this principle than Longstreet's being at the right place at the right time. The gap created by Wood's displacement was the event that turned the battle around for Bragg's army. Neither Longstreet nor Bragg appeared to be aware of the situation that allowed Longstreet's troops to break through the line.

There is also a strong temptation to mention one other military philosopher with respect to the Tullahoma Campaign

For to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles is not the acme of skill. To subdue the enemy without fighting is the acme of skill.

Finally, the significance of Tullahoma and Chickamauga, southern victory or not, was the deeper, permanent intrusion by the Union into the Confederacy. No other major battles fought in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania to this time resulted in similar permanent lodgments in the South. After Vicksburg and Chickamauga, Tennessee was lost to the Confederacy. Union armies were now closer to Atlanta, bases could be established, and lines of communication could be used that eventually allowed Sherman to march east and north and turn the Confederacy's strategic rear and flank. There is, one might claim, a direct line leading from the "shattering defeat" of Chickamauga to the Courthouse at Appomattox.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Arnold, James R. Chickamauga The River of Death. Campaign Series, No. 17. London Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1.

Beringer, Richard E., Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones, and William N. Still, Jr. Why the South Lost the Civil War. Athens, GA University of Georgia Press, 186.

Clausewitz, Carl von. On War. Edited and translated by Michael Howard and Peter Paret and with introductory essays by Peter Paret, Michael Howard, and Bernard Brodie. Princeton, NJ Princeton University Press,176.

Doughty, Robert A., Ira D. Gruber, Roy K. Flint, Mark Grimsley, George C. Herring, Donald D. Horward, John A. Lynn, and Williamson Murray. Warfare in the Western World. vols. Lexington, MA D.C. Heath and Company, 16.

Dupuy, Colonel R. Ernest and Colonel Trevor N. Dupuy. The Compact History of the Civil War. New York Hawthorne Books, Inc., 160.

Esposito, Colonel Vincent J., ed. The West Point Atlas of American Wars. vols. New York Frederick A. Praeger, 15.

Feis, William B. Grant's Secret Service The Intelligence War from Belmont to Appomattox. Lincoln, NE University of Nebraska Press, 00.

Hankinson, Alan. Vicksburg 186 Grant Clears the Mississippi. Campaign Series, No. 6. London Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1.

Hattaway, Herman and Archer Jones. How the North Won A Military History of the Civil War. Urbana, IL University of Illinois Press, 18.

de Jomini, Baron Antoine Henri. The Art of War. With an introduction by Charles Messenger. Mechanicsburg, PA Stackpole Books, 1.

Steele, Matthew Forney. American Campaigns. vols. Washington United States Infantry Association, 1.

U.S. War Department. The War of the Rebellion A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. 70 vols. in 18 parts. Washington Government Printing Office, 1880 101.

U.S. War Department. The Official Atlas of the Civil War. New York Thomas Yoseloff, Inc., 158.

U.S. War Department. Atlas of the Battlefields of Chickamauga, Chattanooga and Vicinity. Washington Government Printing Office, 186-187.

Weigley, Russell F. A Great Civil War A Military and Political History, 1861-1865. Indianapolis Indiana University Press, 000.

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War

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The last quarter of the seventeenth century was a time of great violence through out the colonial region. Warfare and conflict was a constant. Most of the conflicts were between the Indians and the colonists. Armed conflicts between Indian peoples and the Puritans colonies raged for control of land and trade, and needed for lands increases especially after the tobacco become the most important investment trade in the new world, mainly in Virginia colony, tobacco provided Virginia colonists with the merchant commodity. Also tobacco provided Virginia company with the first return of investment, but tobacco required a great deal of hand labor so the company instituted what were called head right grants, award of large plantations to men on the condition that they the transport worker from England at their won cost, and that will raise the number of Virginia population and needed for land become important after what called the indentured servant. Men and women contracted to labor for a master for a fixed time with eligible to freedom due, clothing, food, tools, and after finishing their servant term they have the right to have a land and start their life. . The extraordinary expansion of Puritans settlement and their hunger for land, created pressures for further expansion into the Indian territories. So king Philip's, a Nipmunk leader, convinced his people that they must break the peace and take up armed resistance against the Puritans.

At the same time as king Philip's war, another English- Indian confrontation took place in the Chesapeake, Bacon's Rebellion. At that time Chesapeake region was experiencing numerous changes. Population is growing because People live longer than the past; in the beginning 000 migrants go to the new world 000 were survived because of diseases from the swamp areas were they chose to live and settle James town. Also more food began to grown, swamps are being drained and that time servants ended their freedom due and start looking for their lands, so landlords and planter become in more critical situation because that will lead to lose off laborers and would raise the tobacco production and decrease the prices. Landlords used their political power to put new laws, by ended freedom due and limited servants rights to control them, and they instituted poll tax that every adult male should pay taxes (Gold, sliver, tobacco)

People needed more lands to live but most of the lands were been owned, so they start to move out and searched for land the only lands that they had were the native lands, so a conflict began between the landless and the tobacco planters. Bacon asked for help from Virginia governor William Berkeley to have lands. Bacons and his men move from James town to get the lands, after Berkeley promised to support them but he called Virginia militia on Bacon, so Bacon heard Berkeley's idea, he turned around and drives Berkeley militia out and burned the town. The rebellion thus signaled a developing conflict between the frontier districts such as Bacon and the established tidewater region where the Indian problem had long since been settled.

Europe also experienced lot warfare and conflicts, especially between the two powerful countries France and England for control of North America, and they faced a war between them and the most powerful native tribe Iroquois, it was a bloody war, Europeans had been completely destroyed by the native tribe. Also Europe experienced Glorious revolution that had roots with the English revolution. The main reason of glorious revolution was the conflict between the catholic church and the protestant (Puritans). After Charles II, the head of the Catholic Church, died his brother James II took over the throne, he and his wife were catholic but his daughter were protestant, the king after age of 58 he had a son, the little Charles, the puritans didn't like that, they chased the king and his family and kicked them out of England, and offered the throne to his daughter queen Mary II and her husband William of orange. At that time James raised army and moved to Ireland to get a support from them, the he moved to England to get his throne back but he defeated by William of orange and his army. The new world heard about James defeat and they get ride off his authority and Andiron who signed by king James. Puritans after that fond them selves without a government they forget their ideal about city on the hill.

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Seventeenth century was filled with wars and conflicts to Europe and the new world.

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Colonial Narrative Writers

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Colonial Narrative Writers

Ms. Little 1st period

Vandana Murty

The people who explored or had life-altering experiences in the New World were the informative writers of colonial times. Most of the books were a product of remarkable experiences by gifted individuals who felt the need to share with other people. Some of these said writers were; Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Pedro de Castaneda, John Smith, William Bradford, and Mary Rowlandson. De Vaca, Castaneda and Smith were the professional explorers in this group and Bradford and Rowlandson were settlers. Each had something different to write about, but still related to one another in very significant ways.

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Many writers of the day wrote about the opportunistic land to inform their reader and perhaps to encourage them to settle in the New World. Others, like de Vaca weren't blessed with a wonderful experience to write about. When de Vaca arrived to the New World in the 150, he wandered around in Texas for eight years before traveling home again. The journey was very tough. Out of three hundred men, only three, including de Vaca survived. De Vaca in unique because he was one of the few writers who did not keep a journal, instead de Vaca wrote his book out of memory. Considering that de Vaca wrote his book in the 1550's, twenty years later, this resulted in very broad details, a traumatic view of the New World and probably some exaggeration in descriptions. He wrote chronologically by what he remembered and wrote from the first person view. De Vaca's intent for writing The Narrative of his Journey was far from sincere, he needed money and wanted to give some honor to his name as an author. However, his book does provide some interesting facts and a different perspective of America as we know it today.

Pedro de Castaneda came to America in 1540 and spent two years here. Like de Vaca, Castaneda was a Spanish explorer. Unlike de Vaca, Castaneda kept a journal and wrote in abundant detail. He also published his book out of genuine interest and was one of the few amateur colonial writers to do so. Castaneda wrote about his experiences in the 1560's through a book entitled, The Journey of Coronado. As stated before, Castaneda writes in very minute detail by describing the buffalo and the healthy grass and trees. Ironically, even though he keeps a day-to-day journal, Castaneda writes his book thematically with chapters. He does have some personal commentary in his work, but very limited as his journal was the official record of the groups' expedition and was meant for factual reference only. Castaneda writes from first person and gives a very contradicting view to a reader who has read de Vaca's book and then Castaneda's.

John Smith was an English explorer who disembarked in America in 1607. He explored most of the east coast and named Jamestown. Smith was an egotistical yet brilliant soldier. He is associated with the 'First American Myth', the Pocahontas episode. He wrote quite a few books, but the main ones are A True Relation, the first English book about the New World; General History of Virginia; and A Description of New England. In the General History of Virginia, Smith writes in third person, but refers to himself as Captain Smith. As stated already, Smith is a bit self-centered, so he praises himself, his looks, genius, and tactics throughout the book. Smith writes chronologically and includes detail, but not as much as Castaneda. There is some indirect commentary in his book, but personal commentary is limited. For example, he may describe something as he sees it, but not make it certain that it is his opinion being stated. In his third book, A Description of New England, Smith does a tremendous job of leaving himself out of it and writing in second person to focus directly on the reader. Smith's intent in this book is to convince British people who don't have any obligations or responsibilities to settle in New England. He also encourages others who need to start over in life to come to this land. Smith gives many appealing reasons such as wealth for the homeland and personal satisfaction through hard work. These morals are the basis for the American ideal today. Hard work, perseverance, and living a moral life are a few of the many characteristics that make a true 'American'. So, while Smith may not have been the most appealing personality to know, he did contribute much to the latter America.

William Bradford was the only writer who never intended on publishing anything. He wrote in his journal of the Puritan's experiences while settling. He wrote of God's providence and hard work so that the future generations would know of their forefathers and not forget their morals. Half of the journal was recorded in the Church records, but when British explorers rampaged and burned the town, a British soldier stole the original. It was later published in Britain. Bradford wrote his journal in the 160's. The details Bradford included were broad and carefully chosen. Out of all five authors discussed, Bradford is the one who includes the most commentary. Although most of the book, Plymouth Plantation, is written in third person, he interjects to include his personal commentary and then continues writing in third person again. William Bradford and Castaneda relate in the fact that both write out of genuine interest or concern. They don't write to restore their reputation, like de Vaca, or to bring fame, like Smith. These two writers are seemingly the more connecting writers during these times.

Mary Rowlandson is unique first, because she is one of the very few female writers in the colonial age. Second, because hers is an archetype, or an initial representation of that kind of book. Rowlandson writes about her experience as a hostage of a Native American tribe. She was held prisoner for nearly three months and then ransomed for eighty dollars by a Puritan settlement. Rowlandson's purpose for her book was to restore her reputation. Since Rowlandson was a Puritan, even if she was raped it was considered sinful on her behalf. Since Rowlandson wasn't she needed to establish that fact so she wasn't shunned. Also Rowlandson realized that the pagan Indians had humane feelings. When she was weeping for her lost child, they gave her food and clothes to console her. She was not treated roughly, but more like a servant. The Indians were also going through rough times, hunger and lack of shelter, but they still kept her alive. Rowlandson's book was written chronologically and in first person with very minute details, but little commentary. Rowlandson wrote her book A Narration of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson in 1675 in and passed away shortly afterward.

Although colonial literature was very different from modern literature it holds much factual and emotional value. Many Americans don't know where the 'American ideal' derived from or how hard the Puritans had to work while settling. These books provide needed information. Whether these works were the result of exhilarating experiences or the by-products of struggles, they paint narrative literature with vibrant colors.

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People

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Compare and Contrast In the world of entertainment, TV talk shows have undoubtedly flooded every inch of space on daytime television. Many of us have seen and heard the often recycled topics found on such shows as Jerry Springer and Oprah Winfrey. And anyone who watches talk shows on a regular basis knows that each one varies in style and format. One might enjoy watching the sometimes trashy subject matter found on Jerry Springer, while someone else might prefer the more serious and light hearted feel of the Oprah Winfrey show. But no two shows are more profoundly opposite in content. Jerry Springer could easily be considered the king of trash talk. The topics on his show are as shocking as they get. For example, the show takes the ever common talk show themes of love, lust, sex, sexuality, adultery, cheating, guilt, hate, conflict and morality to a different level. In a vintage Springer show, one finds women who cheated on their boyfriends and are ready to confess. But the boyfriends are in for a bigger surprise. As it turns out that all the women havent been secretly seeing other guys, but seeing other women, who also happen to be waiting backstage. Another episode tells of a John Wayne Bobbit type case, but with a more twisted plot. A male cuts off his own manhood because he claimed that his homosexual neighbor was stalking him. Shocking, indeed, but the list of talk material goes on from dangerous love triangles, broken homes, pregnant strippers, teenage prostitutes, adult film stars, devil worshippers and the ever popular talk show regulars, the members of the Ku Klux Klan. Clearly, the Jerry Springer show is a display and exploitation of societies mora catastrophes, yet people are willing to eat up the intriguing predicaments of other peoples lives. Oprah Winfrey was once a follower of the trash TV format, but her long running popular TV talk show has since been reformed. Like Jerry Springer, the Oprah Winfrey show takes talk TV to its extreme, but Oprah goes in the opposite direction. Oprah is probably the most immaculate talk show there is. It is unlikely that you will find guest on Oprah that have committed adultery, have sold their souls to the devil, or are part of a racist hate group. Instead, the show focuses on the improvement of society and an individuals quality of life. Topics range from teaching your children responsibility, managing your work week, proper etiquette, getting to know your neighbors and entertaining interviews with celebrities. Not many talk shows are interested in taking time to teach children right from wrong, or give techniques to get along with people better, but it seems that the Oprah shows top priority is to educate first, and then entertain. Compared to Oprah, the Jerry Springer show looks like toxic waste being dumped on society. Still, there are times when Jerry Springer has made an effort to help the troubled people on his show. The most notable is when he has helped extremely obese people get to the hospital and help them turn their lives around. The entire process is still taped for its entertainment value, but at least something good came out of it. Jerry also ends every show with a final word. He makes a small speech that sums up the entire moral of the show. Hopefully, this is the part where most people will learn something very valuable. Even if Oprah is as squeaky clean as it is, the show is not for everyone. The shows main target audience that are working middle-class Americans. A vast majority of these people usually have the time, money, and stability to deal with lifes tougher problems. Jerry Springer, on the other hand, has more of an association with the young adults of society. These are your 18 -1 year-olds whose main troubles in life involve love, relationship, sex, pregnancy, money, peers and influence. They are the ones who see some value and lessons to be learned underneath the shows exploitation. While these two talk shows are as different as night and day, both have ruled the talk show circuit for many years now. Each one caters to a different audience while both have a strong following from legions of fans. Ironically, both could also be considered pioneers in the talk show world. Jerry Springers crude and vulgar topics may be looked down upon, but no other talk show comes close to the raw exposure of its guest. Oprah Winfrey was able to break away and create a unique and highly successful talk show. Even as these to talk shows stand on opposite sides of the spectrum, both have managed to stand alone to their highest extremes and are considered the best at what they are.

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My year of meats

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Ethics In Meat Production

Most people are not concerned about where or how the meat on their dinner table comes from, because they are shielded from the gruesome images of the slaughterhouses and the hidden truths of how meat is produced. However, in the book "My Year of Meats", the author Ruth L. Ozeki creates a storyline that uses the protagonist, Jane, to discover toxicity in meat, especially beef. The book especially focuses on beef, as it might be the most widely eaten meat in this country; however, it is also a dangerous meat for humans to consume. The story takes us inside the inner workings of feedlots and slaughterhouses. The evidences is shocking and frightening to the reader. Because the reason is that Ozeki uses descriptive diction, very clear similes, and understatements in dialogues to expose the unsanitary, horrible conditions of meat industries and the irresponsible role they play. Her book is a challenge to today's culture and society pleading them to take a look at the dishonesty behind meat productions in America.

Ozeki describes the filthy feedlot andslaughterhouse through the use of vivid and expressive words. For example, when Jane stepped into the cattle feedlot, she saw "the dirt was parched and the hot wind buffeted [her]

face with a stench [she] could taste'the sick-sweet smell of manure, cut with searing fumes of ammonia that rose from the urine-drenched ground"

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(58). Here, Ozeki paints a visual surrounding of the dirty feedlot. Using phrases

like "a stench you could taste," "sick-sweet smell of manure," as well as "the urine-drenched ground," Ozeki is able to stimulate the senses'taste,

smell, and sight. Thus, when imagining the place, it creates a repelling response. In addition, the feedlot is filled with dust and dirt so it is no

wonder that after Jane visited the site, she "kept imagining what the dust must contain, the microscopic particulates of toxic powder, dissolving in [her] sweat, now leaching back through [her] pores, and the thought

made [her] skin prickle and flush and sweat some more" (68). Ozeki emphasizes that this filth can be harmful to the cattle, which can cause the meat

to be unhealthy. Using phrases such as "microscopic…powder" and words like "dissolving" and "leaching," she is creating a sense as if germs are entering a body (like a cow's) to injure its victim. When they do, they harm the victim by making their "skin prickle and flush and sweat," which implicitly means the powder in the feedlot "dissolves" into the cow. And this brings us to see that the infected meat could make the consumer sick. Through the use of these word descriptions, Ozeki is able to display the dirty truth in the feedlots, which is horribly harmful to its consumer.

Please note that this sample paper on my year of meats is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on my year of meats, we are here to assist you. Your essay on my year of meats will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.

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Cal

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nhalt

Da der Leser nun mit der Geschichte (Nord-) Irlands vertraut ist und die Zusammenhänge in ,,Cal besser verstehen kann, wende ich mich dem Roman zu. Im Zentrum der Handlung steht ein katholischer Junge, der gegen seinen Willen in den Strudel der Gewalt in Nordirland hineingezogen wird und untergeht. Der 1-jährige, arbeitslose Cal Mc Cluskey und sein Vater Shamie leben als letzte verbliebene Katholiken in einem typisch protestantischen, ziemlich trostlosen Viertel. Einziger größerer Arbeitgeber ist ein Schlachthof, bei dem fast alle Männer - so auch Shamie - arbeiten. Cal hat den Job nach wenigen Tagen zur großen Enttäuschung seines Vaters aufgegeben, weil er den Gestank und die Gewalt im Schlachthaus nicht ertragen konnte. Nun schlägt er alleine seine Zeit tot, da er als Katholik in einem protestantischen Umfeld weder Aussichten auf eine andere Anstellung noch Freunde hat. Der einzige Gleichaltrige, zu dem Cal Kontakt hat, ist sein ehemaliger Schulfreund Crilly, der Mitglied in einer republikanischen paramilitärischen Organisation ist. Kopf dieser Terrorgruppe ist Skeffington, ein fanatischer Nationalist , der für seine Ziele über Leichen geht. Wahrscheinlich auf sein Geheiß hin wurde von Crilly Robert Morton, ein Mitglied der Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), der nordirischen (antikatholischen) Polizei, ermordet. Auch Cal war als Fahrer des Fluchtautos in den Mord verwickelt. Der Gedanke an die Bluttat und seine Schuld quält und verfolgt ihn bis in seine Träume.

Als in der Bücherei, die Cal aus Langeweile öfter besucht, eine neue Bibliothekarin arbeitet und sich herausstellt, dass diese die Witwe des erschossenen Polizisten ist, fühlt Cal sich zu der um Jahre älteren Frau, ihr Name ist Marcella, hingezogen; zunächst nur von Schuldgefühlen getrieben, beginnt er, sie zu beobachten, sucht ihre Nähe. So entsteht ein loser Kontakt zwischen den beiden, der sich vertieft, als Cal auf dem Bauernhof ihrer Schwiegereltern, wo auch Marcella lebt, Arbeit findet.

Als radikale Protestanten das Haus der Mc Cluskeys niederbrennen, zieht Cal heimlich in die verfallene Hütte auf dem Morton-Gelände. Nicht einmal seinem Vater Shamie vertraut er seinen Aufenthaltsort an und lässt den durch den Verlust des Hauses gebrochenen Mann allein zurück. Cal hofft, durch sein spurloses Verschwinden vor den Nachstellungen Crillys und Skeffingtons sicher zu sein, die ihn zu einem Verbleib in der Terrorgruppe und zu weiteren ,,Aktionen zwingen wollen.

Als Cals Versteck von den Mortons entdeckt wird, hat er Glück, denn Marcella hat Mitleid mit dem ausgebrannten jungen Mann und überredet ihre Schwiegermutter, ihn in der Hütte wohnen zu lassen. Die beiden sehen sich oft und werden immer vertrauter, da die Witwe Cal beim Einrichten seiner neuen Bleibe behilflich ist.

Allerdings entsteht damit auch ein Problem für Cal. Denn je näher sich Cal und die Witwe kommen, je stärker seine Gefühle für die ahnungslose Frau werden, desto schlimmer quält ihn seine Schuld. Als Mrs Morton ihren Mann, der bei dem Überfall damals schwer verletzt wurde, für einige Tage ins Krankenhaus begleitet und Cal und Marcella so allein auf dem Hof zurück bleiben, werden die beiden nach anfänglichem Zögern Marcellas ein heimliches Liebespaar.

Doch das Glück währt nicht lange. Als Cal am Morgen nach der Liebesnacht in die Stadt fährt, um Weihnachtsgeschenke für Marcella und deren Tochter Lucy zu besorgen, wird er von Crilly entdeckt, der gerade eine Bombe in der Bücherei versteckt hat. Die Lage ist für Cal bedrohlich, da Crilly und vor allem der schnell herbei geeilte Skeffington Cal als einen Verräter an der ,,Sache und Deserteur betrachten und ihn auch dem entsprechend bestrafen wollen. Aber dazu kommt es nicht mehr. Bei einer Razzia werden Crilly und Skeffington verhaftet, Cal gelingt die Flucht. Ihm ist aber klar, dass seine Tage in Freiheit gezählt sind, weil seine ,,Kameraden ihn verraten werden. Cal findet endlich den Mut, endgültig mit der Terrororganisation zu brechen. Über eine sog. ,,confidential line warnt er vor der Brandbombe in der Bücherei und verabschiedet sich von Marcella. Am nächsten Morgen wird Cal Mc Cluskey verhaftet.

Die Romanfiguren und der Nordirlandkonflikt

Die zerstörerische Wirkung des Konflikts verdeutlicht der Autor v.a. an Hand seiner Hauptpersonen.

Die Auswirkungen des Konflikts auf den Protagonisten

Besonders der Titelheld Cal Mc Cluskey wird von den nordirischen Verhältnissen geprägt. Dabei hat der junge Mann es auch ohne die vertrackte politische Lage schon schwer genug. Seine Mutter starb an einer Gehirnblutung, als der Junge acht Jahre alt war. Auch sein Bruder Brendan, von dessen Existenz der Leser nur in einem Nebensatz erfährt, ist tot. Seine Mutter fehlt Cal sehr. Auch als fast erwachsener Mann kommen ihm beim Gedanken an sie die Tränen.

Cal lebt allein mit seinem spröden Vater Shamie, der ihm die Mutter nicht voll ersetzen kann. Obwohl er seinen Vater liebt, fehlt das Vertrauen mit ihm über seine Verstrickung in den Mord an Morton zu reden. Man kann also sagen, dass Cal der Rückhalt aus einer intakten Familie fehlt und sein Vater keine wirkliche Vertrauensperson ist.

Aber wie gesagt hat vor allem der Nordirlandkonflikt verheerende Auswirkungen auf den Jungen. Auf der einen Seite ist Cal ein Opfer der fest gefahrenen Lage in Nordirland, da er und sein Vater die letzten verbliebenen Katholiken in einem protestantischen Arbeiterviertel sind. Ihre Konfession macht sie zu Außenseitern und grenzt sie vom sozialen Leben weitgehend aus.

Als Katholik ist Cal quasi zur Arbeitslosigkeit verurteilt und hat kaum Chancen auf eine Stelle; es bereitete Shamie schon genug Probleme seinen Sohn einen Job im Schlachthof zu verschaffen, in dem laut Shamie ,,few enough Catholics arbeiten. Nach Cals Kündigung stehen seine beruflichen Chancen so schlecht, dass er sogar überlegt wegzuziehen. Seine Arbeitslosigkeit spiegelt haargenau die Situation vieler nordirischer Katholiken wider und bestätigt die bereits im geschichtlichen Teil angesprochene Benachteiligung auf dem Arbeitsmarkt.

Die politische Lage in Nordirland macht Cal nicht nur zu einem Arbeitslosen ohne Perspektive, sondern macht ihn und seinen Vater auch zum Ziel von Anfeindungen. Schon früh muss der junge Mann erfahren, was Vorurteile und offene Feindseligkeit bedeuten ,,As he turned into his street he felt the eyes on him. [...] He could not bear to look up and see the flutter of the Union Jacks, and now the red and white cross of the Ulster flag with ist red hand...Cal felt it was aimed at them, the Mc Cluskeys, because his father andhe were the only Catholic family left in the whole estate... Cal detested the condescension of some of the Protesant men he met about the town. `You`re Shamie Mc Cluskey`s boy? A good man, Shamie.`And implied in everything they were saying was `for a Catholic `.There was faint affectionate amazement on their faces that there should be a Catholic who was a good man, someone to equal them. In dieser bis auf einige Ausnahmen offen feindseligen Umgebung ist Cal isoliert, wie er später Marcella erzählt. Als sie ihn fragt, ob er viele Freunde habe, antwortet er ,,'No, not many.`4 Der Hass zwischen den Angehörigen der Konfessionen nimmt ihm die Möglichkeit, soziale Kontakte zu knüpfen, was für jeden jungen Menschen enorm wichtig ist.

Doch einigen Protestanten sind Anfeindungen und Ausgrenzung noch zu wenig. Ihr Hass beschränkt sich nicht auf mehr oder weniger offene Diskriminierungen. Cal und sein Vater sind auch Drohungen und Gewalt ausgesetzt. Sie erhalten Drohbriefe der loyalistischen Terrorgruppe Ulster Volunteer Force. Cal wird von jungen Unionisten brutal zusammengeschlagen und entkommt nur mit knapper Not. Als trauriger Höhepunkt werden die Mc Cluskeys auch noch Opfer eines Brandanschlags, ihr Haus wird ein Raub der Flammen. Der Verlust seines Rückzugsortes wirft Cals Vater völlig aus der Bahn, so dass er schließlich als gebrochener Mann in eine Nervenklinik eingeliefert werden muss. Mit dem Haus verliert Cal also auch seinen Vater. Er ist eindeutig ein Opfer der Verhältnisse in Nordirland.

Seine Opferrolle macht Cal tragischer Weise auch zum Täter. Als die Mc Cluskeys zum ersten Mal bedroht werden und Shamie seinen Kollegen davon erzählt, bietet ihm prompt Crilly zum Selbstschutz einen Revolver an, welchen Cals Vater dankbar annimmt. Dieser Crilly, ein ehemaliger Schulfreund Cals, gehört einer republikanischen paramilitärischen Organisation an und hilft nicht aus purer Nächstenliebe. Quasi als Gegenleistung werden im Haus der Mc Cluskeys ,,cardboard boxes full of stuff [...] wrapped in sacking and black polythene [...]5 versteckt, also Operationsmittel der Terrorgruppe. Außerdem muss Cal als Fahrer fungieren, wenn diese Päckchen weitergeleitet werden. Doch bei solch eher harmlosen Aktionen bleibt es nicht. Cal lässt sich tief in die mörderischen Machenschaften der Organisation hineinziehen und wird somit zum Täter. Er sitzt am Steuer des Fluchtwagens, als Crilly den protestantischen Polizisten Robert Morton erschießt.

Seine Beteiligung an dem Mord hat schwerwiegende Folgen für Cal.

Die Erinnerung daran verfolgt und quält den jungen Mann; er wird mit seiner Schuld nicht fertig. Unaufhörlich zermartert er sich den Kopf ,,[...] to eat again the ashes of what he had done.6. Die Schuld ist sein ständiger Begleiter, er fühlt sich durch die Tat gezeichnet ,,He felt that he had a brand stamped in blood in the middle of his forehead which would take him the rest of his life to purge.7

Seine permanenten Schuldgefühle haben eine verhängnisvolle psychische Wirkung auf den jungen Mann. Er steigert sich in einen regelrechten Selbsthass hinein. Cal ist, wie es im Roman drastisch formuliert wird, ,,sick of himself8. Dies wird an einigen Stellen des Romans überdeutlich. Eine seiner ,,Freizeitbeschäftigungen ist z.B., sich selbst aufs Übelste zu beleidigen. Um passende Schimpfnamen für sich selbst zu finden, bietet Cal all seine Kompetenz in Fremdsprachen auf ,,Dirty vache. You big crotte de chien. Sogar einen Großteil seiner Kirchenbesuche verbringt er auf diese Weise ,,The rest of his prayers consisted of telling himself how vile he was. If he was sick of himself, how would God react to him?Merde. Dog-shit. Crotte de vache` 0

Besonders schlimm quält ihn seine Schuld immer dann, wenn er mit Marcella zusammen ist. In ihrer Gegenwart sieht er noch klarer, wie schwer seine Tat wiegt ,,Sometimes in her presence he felt like Quasimodo - as if the ugliness of what he had done showed in his face. The brand in the middle of his forehead would never disappear and seemed to throb when she was near. Alone [...] he relaxed into his ugliness.1 Seine Vergangenheit treibt Cal in einen ständigen Zwiespalt, der ihn zu zerreißen droht. In Marcella hat er endlich die Frau gefunden, mit der er über wirklich alles reden möchte, auch über das, was er getan hat. Zu gerne würde er ihr sein Herz ausschütten und sich alles von der Seele reden ,,He wanted to confess to her, to weep and to be forgiven. He saw the scene in his mind of her holding him, comforting him; he saw the scene as he knew it would be in reality and it horrified him. Doch gleichzeitig weiß der junge Mann, dass ein Geständnis unmöglich ist und ihre Beziehung zerstören würde. Die Liebe zu der arglosen Witwe bringt Cal in eine Art Teufelskreis. Je schlimmer ihn die Erinnerung an den Mord quält, desto größer ist wiederum das Bedürfnis ihr zu beichten. Dieser Zustand belastet Cal so sehr, dass er am Ende sogar erleichtert wirkt, als er verhaftet wird. Er ist ,,grateful that at last someone was going to beat him within an inch of his life.

Der Mord an Morton hat noch andere Konsequenzen. Cal versucht endlich aus der Terrorgruppe auszusteigen. Deshalb wird er von Crilly und Skeffington, dem Kopf der Bande, unter Druck gesetzt ,,`I still want out.` [Cal said] Skeffington put his hand on Cal`s sleeve.` That creates a big problem, Cahal. It would be out of my hands. I wouldn`t like to see you hurt.`4. Trotzdem ist Cal lange Zeit nicht hartnäckig und entschlossen genug, sich gegen Crilly und Skeffington durchzusetzen und gibt den Argumenten und Drohungen des raffinierten Rhetoriktalents Skeffington immer wieder nach. So lebt er bis zum Schluss in ständiger Angst, zu neuen Verbrechen gezwungen zu werden.

Wie viele Nordiren ist Cal also gefangen in der festgefahrenen und verhärteten Situation seiner zerrissenen Heimat. Die dortigen Verhältnisse lassen ihm keine große Entscheidungsfreiheit, gegen seinen Willen und sein Gewissen wird er in den blutigen Konflikt hineingezogen, der das Leben und die Zukunft der Menschen zerstört. Ein Sich-Heraushalten scheint unmöglich, geschweige denn ein ruhiges Dasein an der Seite der Frau, die er liebt. Cals Schicksal steht damit symbolisch für die Hoffnungslosigkeit einer ganzen Region und die brutalen nordirischen Verhältnisse, die auch Friedfertigen keinen Ausweg lassen.

Shamie und der Nordirlandkonflikt

Mit ähnlichen Problemen wie sein Sohn hat Shamie, Cals Vater, zu kämpfen. Er hat seine Frau und seinen Sohn Brendan verloren. Seit dem Tod seiner Frau muss er als allein erziehender Vater den Alltag bewältigen und versuchen, dem Sohn die Mutter zu ersetzen, was nicht immer leicht für ihn ist. Da es ihm schwer fällt über Gefühle offen zu reden, zeigt er im Umgang mit seinem Sohn selten, wie wichtig Cal für ihn ist. Trotzdem ist ihr Verhältnis von verhaltener, spröder Zuneigung geprägt, die ohne viele Worte auskommt. Dies kann man aus Begegnungen zwischen Vater und Sohn erkennen, z.B. als beide, nachdem sie den zweiten Drohbrief radikaler Protestanten erhalten haben, nicht schlafen können und mitten in der Nacht in Shamies Zimmer sitzen und Tee trinken ,,'Thanks, Cal,` he [Shamie] said when he got his tea. He said it quietly and Cal, for some reason, was moved. The bedside light shone downwards, accentuating the shadows of Shamie's face, making him look older than he was.[...] Shamie looked at him and said. `Put my jacket on or you`ll freeze.` 15 Diese leisen Gesten zeigen, mit wieviel gegenseitiger Achtung, Rücksichtnahme und Zuneigung sich die beiden gegenüber stehen.

Auch auf Shamie wirft der Nordirlandkonflikt seinen Schatten, obwohl sein Verhältnis zu Protestanten auf den ersten Blick recht entspannt wirkt. Mit den Nachbarn kommt er gut aus, sogar mit dem eingefleischten Oranier Cyril Dunlop plauscht er freundlich. Für einen Katholiken ist Cals Vater bei den Protestanten angesehen. ,,He is popular with both Catholics and Protestants...6 steht im Anhang der Penguin-Ausgabe von ,,Cal über ihn zu lesen.

Doch im Laufe der Handlung zeigt sich, dass das Verhältnis nur oberflächlich so gut ist, wie es zunächst den Anschein hat. Alltäglich, besonders an seinem Arbeitsplatz bekommt Shamie die Herablassung seiner protestantischen Kollegen zu spüren. Diese bezeichnen ihn zwar alsgood man`7 , doch unterschwellig schwingt immer mitfor a Catholic` 8. In diesem ,,Lob steckt eine nur schlecht versteckte Diskriminierung. Dazu kommen Ungerechtigkeiten und Drohungen, denen er und sein Sohn beinahe schutzlos ausgeliefert sind, wie z.B. die Drohbriefe durch die UVF. So hat Shamie eine beinahe hilflos wirkende antibritische Haltung angenommen. England sei ,,'rotten to the core`` , wird er nicht müde zu sagen. Den Überfall auf Cal, der wohl mangels Aussichten auf Ermittlungserfolge nicht einmal angezeigt wird, kommentiert Shamie ohnmächtig und verbittert mit den Worten ,,'And they say it's a free bloody country.` 40 . Der Autor zeigt an Shamies Beispiel die in den siebziger Jahren alltägliche Diskriminierung der Katholiken, die zu Bitterkeit und Misstrauen gegenüber dem Staat, der Polizei und somit den Protestanten führten.

Obwohl Cals Vater wohl die alltägliche ,,Dosis Verachtung verletzt und verbittert, würde er nie auf den Gedanken kommen, deswegen zur Waffe zu greifen. Dies zeigt sich daran, wie er mit der Pistole verfährt, die Crilly ihm und Cal nach dem ersten Drohbrief zukommen lässt. Er benutzt sie ausschließlich zur Verteidigung, d.h., er kramt sie nur hervor, wenn er sich - z.B. durch eine erneute Drohung der UVF - akut gefährdet fühlt.

An der Reaktion auf die Drohungen der Ulster Volunteer Force, einer loyalistischen Terrororganisation, die die Mac Cluskeys aus dem Viertel jagen will, zeigt sich ein Charakterzug Shamies, der sich als verhängnisvoll erweist. Er ist extrem stur und nicht gewillt, sich dem Druck zu beugen. Er besteht darauf, in dem Haus zu bleiben, an dem er mit jeder Faser seines Herzens hängt und mit dem zahlreiche Erinnerungen, wohl v.a. an seine Frau, verbunden sind ,,Fear had driven the others out but his father would not move. He was stubborn at the best of times but if he thougt pressure was being applied to him he was ten times worse. `No Loyalist bastard is going to drive me out of my home. They can kill me first.`41 Für diese Unbeugsamkeit muss Shamie mit dem Verlust seines Hauses bezahlen. Der Verlust seines Rückzugsorts und der damit verbundenen Erinnerungen nimmt ihm nicht nur die Existenz, sondern wirft den alten Mann völlig aus der Bahn. Shamie verfällt zusehends, wird gleichgültig und depressiv ,,The minute Cal saw his father he knew there had been a terrible change in him. The man had aged twenty years in a couple of weeks. He sat in Dermot Ryan`s chair, his arms lying limply on the arm-rests. The flesh of his face had almost disappeared and what was left seemed to have slipped and sagged.4 Shamies Verfall schreitet schließlich so weit fort, dass er in eine psychatrische Anstalt eingeliefert werden muss.

Shamie ist ein Paradebeispiel dafür, wie ein völlig Unschuldiger, der sich aus dem Konflikt heraushalten will, an dem unmenschlichen Hass in der nordirischen Gesellschaft zerbricht. Durch Shamie führt Mac Laverty dem Leser vor Augen, dass der Nordirlandkonflikt nicht unbedingt Bomben braucht, um Menschen zu zerstören.

Marcella - die Witwe

Eine Figur, die den Nordirlandkonflikt aus einem anderen Blickwinkel erlebt, ist Marcella, die Witwe des erschossenen Polizisten.

Die Situation ist für die Mutter einer kleinen Tochter nicht leicht. Trotz der politischen Lage hat sie als Katholikin einen Protestanten geheiratet und damit bewiesen, dass sie über den Vorurteilen und eingefahrenen Denkweisen steht. Sich so über die gesellschaftliche Situation hinwegzusetzen erforderte mit Sicherheit Mut. Allerdings muss sie erfahren, dass ein echtes Miteinander von Katholiken und Protestanten schwierig ist. Denn die Familie und die Freunde ihres Mannes akzeptierten zwar Roberts Entscheidung, eine Katholikin zu heiraten, doch wirkliche Freundschaft hat Marcella mit niemandem aus dem Umfeld ihres verstorbenen Mannes geschlossen. ,,`Sometimes I feel very isolated out here. After Robert was killed I suddenly found I had no friends. Oh yes, they called and did everything they could for me a couple of months. But they were all his friends. Then they just faded...` 4, berichtet sie Cal in einem Gespräch. Sie ist genauso isoliert wie die Mc Cluskeys.

Auch nachdem sie der Norirlandkonflikt zur Witwe gemacht hat, lebt Marcella weiterhin bei ihren Schwiegereltern. Dort fühlt sie sich eingeengt und bevormundet,,`Mrs Morton treats me like a schoolgirl, I suppose. I fight back but she always has the last word. `44 Marcella möchte zwar ausziehen, doch sie kann sich nicht befreien Zum einen kann sie sich nicht gegen ihre Schwiegermutter durchsetzen, die sie immer wieder zum Bleiben überredet. So sagt Marcella, als Cal sie zum Weggehen bewegen möchte ,,`Yes, that sounds so easy. I`ve told her that many times. I wish I wasn`t so weak. I wish I could fight with her and insult her. But if it comes to a crisis she always wins... It`s been a year now, and every time I tell her I`m moving something comes up and she persuades me to stay. For Lucy`s sake. For Grandad`s sake. After Easter.` 45. Zum anderen fühlt sie sich ihren Schwiegereltern, die beide krank sind - Mrs Morton leidet an Parkinson, ihr Mann laboriert an den Folgen seiner Schussverletzungen -, verpflichtet.

Vom Durchschnitt der im Roman dargestellten Personen unterscheidet sich Marcella auch durch ihre Interessen. Sie ist gebildet, sie liebt Bücher und interessiert sich für Kunst. So versucht sie z.B. Cal zum Lesen zu ermuntern und diskutiert mit ihm über Grünewalds Gemälde von der Kreuzigung Jesu. Mit ihrem Sinn für Literatur und Kunst bildet Marcella einen Gegensatz zum tristen Arbeitermilieu, in dem Cal zu Hause ist und in dem man ein Buch nur deshalb zur Hand nimmt, um eine Bombe darin zu verstecken.

Vor allem durch ihre Einstellung zum Nordirlandkonflikt hebt sich Marcella von Cals gewohnter Umgebung ab. Durch ihre Heirat mit einem Protestanten lernte sie beide Konfliktparteien kennen, hat quasi direkten Umgang mit dem ,,Feind. Marcella kennt also beide Seiten und kann sich mit keiner der beiden Parteien identifizieren, da sie sieht, dass Katholiken wie Protestanten Gewalt- und Gräueltaten begehen. Diese Gewalt erschreckt sie und stößt sie ab ,,'That people want physically to hurt one another. I suppose at school it`s the thing to do -young men of the species showing off to become the leader of the herd- but you would think people would grow up.`46 Marcella sieht den Konflikt also mit völlig anderen Augen als die meisten Nordiren, da sie sich keiner der beiden Seiten zugehörig fühlt. Sie schämt sich vielmehr für ihr Land, wie aus einem Tagebucheintrag ersichtlich wird, in dem sie einen Anschlag republikanischer Extremisten auf eine Kneipe in Birmingham kommentiert ,,Last night 1 people died and 00 were injured in Birmingham. A slaying of total innocents - not even the callous excuse of a pub frequented by soldiers. I thougt we should never reach the day of atrocious equivalent to the Arab/Israeli unpleasantness. I am deeply ashamed of my country. From now on I think I will say I am an Italian. 47

Mit Marcella stellt Mac Laverty ein anderes Stück Nordirland vor, einen Menschen, der die Gewalt verabscheut, die in den Six Counties allgegenwärtig war/ist, und für den die unschuldigen Opfer im Vorgergrund stehen und nicht irgendwelche politischen Ziele. Marcella ist eine Frau, der die hassverzerrte Situation so fremd ist, dass sie am liebsten weg möchte ,,'I`d like to go and live in Italy` 48, erklärt sie Cal in einem Gespräch. Damit entspricht sie in gewisser Weise dem Autor selbst, der 17 vor der Gewalt in Belfast floh und mit seiner Familie nach Schottland umzog. In einem Interview mit der taz äußerte er 11 ,,Immer noch sterben Menschen, nur weil sie zu einer bestimmten Gruppe gehöre, zur blauen oder roten Seite, zu den Protestanten oder Katholiken. Jeden Tag stirbt in Belfast ein Mensch. [...] Ich jedenfalls werde nicht hinnehmen, dass Leid und Tod Grundvoraussetzungen für eine Wiedervereinigung Irlands sein sollen. Niemals würde ich eins meiner Kinder dafür hingeben, nur damit Irland wieder eins ist. Das ist eine nationalistische Idee des Hasses, mehr nicht. 4.

Cyril Dunlop - der Oranier

Ein Charakter, der dem Leser wiederum eine völlig andere Sichtweise auf die Situation in Nordirland bietet ist der Vorarbeiter auf der Morton-Farm und eingefleischte Oranier Cyril Dunlop, der exemplarisch steht für die Gruppe der vorurteilsbeladenen, festgefahrenen Protestanten. In direkten Gesprächen mit Cal entlarvt er sich selbst. Sein Rezept gegen den Terror ist so einfach wie brutal ,,'This whole bloody business [der Terror; Anmerkung der Verfasserin] would be cleared up overnight if they brought back hanging. If only they would give the Army a bit of freedom. [...]. Beat the shite out of the bastards.` [...]'And even if they do tramp on a few innocent toes, isn`it better that way than giving the IRA the freedom of the country? Root them out, that`s what I say.` [...]Long Kesh is full of known IRA prisoners, isn't it?`[...]Well, every time a policeman or soldier is shot I would put two of those bastards up against the wall and blow their brains out [...]` 50Als Cal fragt, ob Cyril das selbe Rezept auch auf Protestanten anwenden würde, entgegnet er ,,`Maybe. But it's not the same thing. That's the lunatic fringe. They get mad seeing good men shot down day after day. So would you. When you`re fed up shadow-boxing you sometimes turn and hit the referee.`51 . Cyril zeigt, wes Geistes Kind er ist. Er macht deutliche Unterschiede zwischen den Konfessionen. Er ist nicht so offen und unvoreingenommen, wie er sich Cal gegenüber gerne gibt, z.B. als er Cals Vater lobt. Für loyalistische Terroristen bringt er, ohne mit der Wimper zu zucken, Verständnis auf, ihre republikanischen Gegenüber möchte er am liebsten als Geiseln nehmen und im Falle des Falles erschießen.

Als echter Oranier ist Cyril mit jeder Faser seines Herzens gegen ein vereinigtes Irland. Seine Argumente gewähren Einblick in die Denkweise vieler Orangemen. ,,'And be ruled from Rome? A state told what to do by priests and nuns. Sheer voodoo, Cal. Mumbo-jumbo. Ulstermen would die rather than live under the yoke of Roman Catholicism. Not an inch. It's a good saying.` [...]I`m serious, Cal. I would die rather than let that happen.`.5 Diese Argumentation wirkt auf den ersten Blick für den Leser geradezu lächerlich, da sie der Realität in grotesker Weise widerspricht. Die Kirche und der Vatikan haben seit der Mitte des 0. Jahrhunderts stark an Einfluss verloren, so dass niemand ernsthaft behaupten kann, dass irgendwo auf der Welt ein Staat existiert, der eine Marionette des Vatikan ist. Diese Sichtweise ist ein Überbleibsel der irischen Geschichte und zeigt die uralten Ängste der protestantischen Bevölkerungsgruppe. Die sog. Belagerungsmentalität der Protestanten, die sie als Minderheit seit der Ansiedelung ihrer Vorfahren in Irland entwickelt haben, lässt sie auch heute nicht los. So ist Cyrils Einstellung, so überkommen sie auch scheinen mag, ein bitterer Bestandteil der Gegenwart, der einer Lösung der blutigen Auseinandersetzung im Wege steht.

Dennoch ist der Vorarbeiter nicht so radikal, wie es den Anschein hat. Er fährt zwar verbal schweres Geschütz auf, doch in seinem Verhalten ist er eher gemäßigt. Zum Beispiel hat Cyril immerhin bei seiner Chefin für Cal ein gutes Wort eingelegt und selbst wenn seine zweifellos bestehenden Ressentiments kaum verschleiern kann. Er hätte es ja auch nicht zu tun brauchen. Außerdem überfällt er Cal nicht sofort mit Diskussionen über die politische Situation in Nordirland, sondern vermeidet zunächst Gespräche über Politik, die den Katholiken vor den Kopf stoßen könnten ,,[...]Cal was aware that the other man [Dunlop] was choosing things to talk about which had no connection with religion or politics. They were politely wary of each other.5 . Außerdem ist Dunlop immerhin bereit, nach dem Brandanschlag auf das Haus der Mac Cluskeys zuzugeben, dass auch von Protestanten Seite Unrecht verübt wird ,,'I`ll have to admit, Cal, there's bad bastards on both sides.'54

Was man Cyril außerdem zu Gute halten muss, ist, dass er seinen säbelrasselnden Reden keine Taten folgen lässt. Zwar hätte er keine Probleme damit, IRA-Gefangene an die Wand zu stellen, doch wendet er selbst, soweit man aus dem Roman ersehen kann, keine Gewalt an und ist kein Mitglied einer Terrororganisation. Auch wenn er sich auf Märschen des Oranierordens wie ein stolzer Gockel 55 gebärdet, wie Marcella in ihrem Tagebuch festhält. so geht er selbst für seine Überzeugung nicht über Leichen.

Dunlop verkörpert also den ewig gestrigen Oranier, der seine Vorurteile kaum verbergen kann. Doch immerhin ist er oberflächlich freundlich zu Katholiken, was man im mörderischen Nordirland schon als Fortschritt gelten kann.

Die Nachbarn

Doch es gibt auch Protestanten, deren Freundlichkeit nicht so aufgesetzt wirkt, wie die direkten Nachbarn der Mc Cluskeys. Sie verstehen sich gut mit Cal und Shamie und würden zu ihnen halten, sollten diese aus ihrem Haus ausgewiesen werden ,,They [the Mc Cluskeys] spoke to their near neighbours affably enough but beyond that everyone else in the estate seemed threatening. The Radcliffs and the Hendersons said they would stand by the Mc Cluskeys if it ever came to an eviction.56 . Auch das Verhalten einer Nachbarsfrau nach dem Brandanschlag auf das Heim der Mc Cluskeys zeigt, dass die Nachbarn wirklich mit Cal und seinem Vater fühlen ,,A woman neighbour brought an overcoat and she made Shamie put it on, saying,It makes you ashamed to be a Protestant.`She too was crying.57 Durch die Darstellung der Radcliffs und Hendersons verdeutlicht Mac Laverty, dass es auf beiden Seiten Menschen gibt, die sich dem menschenverachtenden Hass in Nordirland nicht unterwerfen und über die Konfessionsgrenze hinweg Mitgefühl und Wärme zeigen. Es geht also auch anders. Menschen wie die Nachbarn lassen den Leser für die geschundene Region Hoffnung schöpfen.

Die Extremisten

Diese aufkeimende Hoffnung gleich wieder zu zerstören, scheinen sich die Extremisten zur Lebensaufgabe erkoren zu haben. Sowohl auf republikanischer als auch auf unionistischer Seite gibt es Menschen, die den Einsatz von Gewalt zur Durchsetzung ihrer politischen Ziele für legitim halten.

Skeffington und Crilly

Bei den Katholiken stechen dabei Cals ,,Kollegen in der paramilitärischen Organisation, Crilly und Skeffington, besonders ins Auge. Die beiden stehen stereotypisch für zwei Typen von Extremisten. Skeffington ist ein Lehrer um die Dreißig. Er war Augenzeuge des zweiten Bloody Sunday 17 in Derry und musste miterleben, wie ein alter Mann auf offener Straße verblutete. Das Vertrauen in politische Veränderungen hat Skeffington, der damit exemplarisch für viele katholische Nordiren dieser Zeit steht, verloren. Voller Verachtung spricht er von dem gemäßigten nordirischen Politiker John Hume, dem Führer der nordirischen Sozialdemokraten, der 18 für seine Rolle im Friedensprozess den Friedensnobelpreis erhielt.

Die Konsequenzen, die Skeffington aus seinen Erfahrungen gezogen hat, machen ihn zu einem gefährlichen Terroristen. Der junge Mann ist der Kopf hinter den Aktionen der paramilitärischen Gruppe und von kühlem, berechnendem Fanatismus. Er ist überzeugt von der Notwendigkeit seines Handelns. Deshalb hat er auch keine Probleme damit, Morde oder andere Verbrechen anzuordnen, die er mit perfider Logik rechtfertigt, welcher sich Cal nur schwer entziehen kann ,,`The problem with this kind of thing [Terrorakte der Gruppierung; Anmerkung der Verfasserin] is that people get hurt.`Skeffington leaned forward.But compared with conventional war the numbers a small. I know that sounds callous but it's true. In Cyprus the dead hardly ran to three figures. That's cheap for freedom.`'I have no stomach for it,`said Cal. [...]Do you think any of us have?` Skeffington stared at him.Anybody who enjoyed this kind of thing would have to be sick.But it has to be done - by somebody. Because we have committed ourselves, Cahal, it is our responsibility. We have to make the sacrifices...`[...]You have to steel yourself, Cahal. Think of the issues, not the people. Think of an Ireland free of the Brits. Would we ever achieve it through the politicians ?`58 Dieses Beispiel zeigt deutlich Skeffingtons ,,pragmatische Grausamkeit. Er rechnet die Opferzahlen einfach gegen die Freiheit auf. Ein weiteres Beispiel bringt Skeffingtons Einstellung exakt auf den Punkt. Er vergleicht den Terrorismus in unglaublichem Zynismus mit einem quietschenden Stuhl. Dieses Quietschen wird die Briten irgendwann einmal so ärgern, dass sie sich einen anderen Stuhl als Nordirland suchen werden, d.h. das Land verlassen. Durch Skeffington gewährt sich dem Leser ein Blick in die Denkweise eines völlig fanatisierten Drahtziehers, der Menschenleben einer zweifelhaften Freiheit opfert. Skeffington, der Denker im Hintergrund, ist der skrupellose Drahtzieher,der sich die Hände nicht selber schmutzig macht.

Das ist auch gar nicht nötig, denn dafür hat er ja Crilly. Cals Ex-Klassenkamerad ist der Mann fürs Grobe, der Henker. Menschen zu quälen und zu töten, bereitet ihm keine Bauchschmerzen, sondern eher Freude, wie seine aufgeregte Schilderung der Bestrafung des Jungen, der Skeffingtons alten Herrn überfahren hat, zeigt. Mit dem Bolzenschussgerät des Schlachthofs zertrümmerte Crilly ihm die Kniescheiben - knee-capping wie diese Methode in Nordirland lapidar genannt wird ,,'I`ve never done a knee-capping, but, I says,I`ll have a go. [...] Wallop, wallop. Both knees he wanted, and your man on the ground squealing like a stuck pig with Skeffington sitting on his head.`5 Dass Crilly ein wenig sadistisch ist, zeigt sich, als er und Cal ein off-licence überfallen. Crilly weidet sich an der Angst seiner Opfer und Cal hat Angst, dass er jemanden verletzt. ,,'What did you do to those women?`[Cal asked.]I told them to lie on the floor. [...] They were shaking in their fuckin`high-heel shoes [...]` He [Crilly] was laughing [...].60 Für seine Rolle in der Gruppe wird Crilly von Cal gefürchtet und von Skeffington verachtet, der ihn als Werkzeug betrachtet ,,'There are not many aspects of our culture which interest Mr Crilly. But he`s a useful man. [...] If you`ve a burst pipe you send for a plumber. If you have a war on your hands you send for the Mr Crillys of this world.`[Skeffington said.] 61

Protestantische Extremisten - die Brandstifter

Protestantische Extremisten lernt man im Roman nur aus der Entfernung kennen. Auf ihre individuelle Haltung kann man deshalb nur spekulieren. Ihre Identität bleibt geheim. Sie haben kein Gesicht, nur die Bedrohung, die von ihnen ausgeht, ist allgegenwärtig. Dies verdeutlicht dem Leser die ständige Gefahr, in der die Mc Cluskeys schweben. Die Folgen solch permanenter Bedrohung werden im Roman in Beispielen klar. Cal schreckt zusammen, wenn er draußen ein Geräusch hört, obwohl es nur der Briefträger ist. Seine Vorsicht geht sogar so weit, dass er es sich zweimal überlegt, ob er das Licht einschalten soll. Durch solche Beispiele kann sich der Leser einfühlen, wieviel Kraft es kosten muss, mit der alltäglichen, zermürbenden Angst in Nordirland fertig zu werden.

Durch die Darstellung der vielen verschiedenen Personen mit ihren unterschiedlichen Erfahrungen und Meinungen zum Nordirlandkonflikt vermeidet der Autor einseitige Schilderungen und verdeutlicht die Vielschichtigkeit und Kompexität des Problems. So bietet er dem Leser die Möglichkeit, sich selbst ein Urteil zu bilden.

Der Nordirlandkonflikt im Spiegel der Beziehung Cal - Marcella

Ein Großteil des Romans beschäftigt sich mit der Beziehung zwischen Cal und Marcella. Auch die Schilderung der Liebesbeziehung nutzt der Autor, um die nordirische Problematik zu verdeutlichen, da sie geradezu symbolisch steht für das Dilemma der geschundenen Provinz.

Die Begegnung zwischen Marcella und Cal wird von Anfang an durch eine Tat aus der Vergangenheit überschattet. Die Mittäterschaft des jungen Mannes beim Mord am Ehemann der Geliebten steht immer als unüberwindbares Hindernis zwischen dem Paar.Weder kann Cal die Tat ungeschehen machen, noch kann er die Erinnerung daran abschütteln oder verdrängen. Immerzu muss er an sein Verbrechen denken ,,His sin clawed at him, demanding attention. He fought it for as long as he could but there was little to distract him except the cold.6 So dominiert die Vergangenheit sein Denken. Ebenso bestimmt sie Cals Zukunft, da sie ein Leben an Marcellas Seite, unmöglich macht. Schließlich verliert er sogar seine Freiheit, weil ihn seine Vergangenheit einholt. Die Macht der Vergangenheit über Gegenwart und Zukunft ist auch charakteristisch für den Nordirlandkonflikt, da ,,It's [Irland] only concerned with the past and the present. The future has ceased to exist for it.6 Ein eindeutiger Beleg dafür, welchen Einfluss längst vergangene Ereignisse auch heute noch haben, sind die alljährlich stattfindenden Oraniermärsche. Der Oranierorden feiert so den Sieg des Protestanten Willhelm von Oranien über den Katholiken James II in der Battle of the Boyne 160. Da die Märsche oft durch katholische Viertel führen, kommt es immer wieder zu blutigen Zusammenstößen, wenn Katholiken versuchen, die Oranier aus ihrer Wohngegend herauszuhalten. Eine längst vergangene und wohl normalerweise längst vergessenen Schlacht sorgt also auch noch heute für erhitzte Gemüter und blutige Köpfe. Die Vergangenheit steht einer hoffnungsvollen Zukunft im Weg - wie auch bei Cal und Marcella.

Die Beziehung zwischen Cal und Marcella versinnbildlicht zudem die Zerrissenheit Nordirlands.In seiner Liebe zu Marcella ist Cal innerlich gespalten. Einerseits fühlt er sich stark zu ihr hingezogen,doch seine Schuld distanziert ihn gleichzeitig von ihr. Er fühlt sich, als läge ein Universum zwischen ihnen. Dennoch versucht er dieses Universum zu überwinden.

Auch ist er hin- und hergerissen, ihr seine Schuld zu beichten. Alles in ihm sehnt sich danach, Verzeihung von Marcella zu erlangen, doch die Angst vor ihrer Reaktion verhindert ein Geständnis. Wie sehr Cal mit dem Zwiespalt in sich kämpft, wird an einem Beispiel besonders deutlich ,,The more he loved her, the more friendly he became with her, the more afraid he was that he would telll her what he had done. It was the one thing he wanted to talk to her about, to have her console him. He wanted to share his guilt with the person he had wronged. Tocommune with her and be forgiven. He opened his mouth to speak and she waited, listening with raised eyebrows. Cal paused.I would like - another drink,` he said.64 Cal möchte ihr alles sagen und doch wieder nicht. Er ist innerlich gespalten - wie Nordirland, das in zwei sich bekriegende Hälften zerrissen ist.

Ein weiterer Aspekt, der sowohl im Nordirlandkonflikt als auch in der Liebesgeschichte von großer Bedeutung ist, ist die Ausweglosigkeit, die den Nordiren die Hoffnung auf Frieden und Cal die Hoffnung auf ein Leben mit Marcella nimmt. Für das Paar gibt es keine Lösung. Cal steht in einer Sackgasse. Würde Cal die Wahrheit sagen, wäre mit Sicherheit alles zerstört, denn Marcella würde mit dem Komplizen des Mörders ihres Mannes nie zusammenleben wollen. Doch es ihr zu verheimlichen, quält Cal entsetzlich. Es gibt also werder auf die eine noch auf die andere Weise eine Zukunft für die Liebe. Wie man es auch dreht und wendet,die Situation ist ausweg- und hoffnungslos.

Wie auch in Nordirland, wo sich trotz enormer politischer Anstrengungen Katholiken und Protestanten noch immer in unversöhnlichem Hass gegenüber stehen. Jüngstes Opfer des scheinbar niemals enden wollenden Hasses ist ein Belfaster Briefträger, der von loyalistischen Extremisten im Januar dieses Jahres erschossen wurde. Solche Anschläge scheinen denpolitischen Friedensprozess ad absurdum zu führen und machen auf grausame Art und Weise deutlich, dass es auch heute noch keine Lösung gibt.

Mittel der Gestaltung

Den desillusionierenden Eindruck, den der Roman beim Leser hinterlässt, verstärkt Mac Laverty geschickt durch einige Gestaltungsmittel.

Motive

Durch Bilder und Motive gelingt es Mac Laverty, die im Roman vorherrschende düstere Atmosphäre zu verdichten.

Fernsehnachrichten, die der Autor in die Alltagsbeschreibung mit einbaut, verdeutlichen das Grauen des Konflikts. Sie zeigen, wie ernst die Lage im ganzen Land ist. Mit ihren unbewegten täglichen Berichten von Mord und Totschlag fungieren sie als ,,Stimmungsbarometer der Unruhen im Restland und zeigen, wie sehr die Gewalt schon zum täglichen Leben gehört ,,Thenews came on...Two hooded bodies had been found at the outskirts of Belfast; bombs had gone off in Strabane and Derry and Newry but no one had been hurt; there was another rise in coal prices;and finally there was the elephant in Belle Vue Zoo that had to have his teeth filed.65

Bereits im ersten Kapitel verbreitet der Autor eine düstere Stimmung. Cal besucht seinen Vater ausgerechnet im Schlachthof. Es stinkt ekelerregend, man hört das Krachen der Bolzenschussgeräte und sieht die Tiere auf ihrem Weg zur Schlachtbank. ,,The humane killer cracked again and Cal saw the killing pen tip over and tumble a beast to the floor, its leg stiff up to the ceiling. It was immedeatly winched up by one of the hind shanks and its throat cut.66 Mit der unbewegten Schilderung solch blutiger Szenen löst der Autor im Leser eine tiefe Beklemmung aus und stimmt ihn quasi von der ersten Seite an auf die folgenden Grausamkeiten ein.

Der obskure Prediger, der mit seinem klapprigen Fahrrad durch die Gegend fährt ,,nailing tracts made from tin lids to trees and telegraph-poles.67 tritt auch im Schlachthof das erste Mal auf. Schon durch sein Aussehen löst er Unbehagen aus. Er ist bleich, hat ,,the Adam's apple of a vulture68 . Dieses Unbehagen wandelt sich in Verstörung um, als der Leser erfährt, dass der Mann als Arznei gegen seine Blutarmut das Blut der frisch geschlachteten Tiere trinkt. Auf diese Weise wird von Beginn an eine Verbindung zwischen Religion und Blut und Tod hergestellt. Dadurch wird die nordirische Problematik indirekt bewusst gemacht.

Auch das weitere Auftreten des Predigers im Verlaufe der Handlung wirkt unheimlich. Die Plakate, die er überall in der Gegend an Bäume nagelt, erscheinen entweder höhnisch oder als düstere Vorausdeutungen. Das Bibelzitat ,,'The Wages of Sin is Death.` 6 muss auf den schweren Sünder Cal wie eine Drohung wirken.

In einem Moment, in dem Cal die grausame Realität des Nordirlandkonflikts besonders bewusst wird - er findet die blutigen Überreste einer Kuh, die von einer Landmine zerfetzt wurde, verkündet das Plakat salbungsvoll ,,The Kingdom of God is within You.70- was in dieser Situation einfach zynisch wirkt.

Auch kurz vor seiner Verhaftung trifft Cal den Prediger wieder, der sich diesmal wie ein Untergangsapostel gebärdet. Er predigt von den Passanten unbeachtet auf der Straße. ,,Repent ye; for the kingdom of Heaven is at hand71, steht auf seiner Schürze, er krakeelt, ,,Without the shedding of blood there can be no forgiveness.7 Diesen letzten Satz kann man nur als bösartigen Hohn empfinden. In Nordirland, wie auch im Roman selbst, beweist es sich schließlich, dass Blutvergießen keine Lösung ist, geschweige denn zu Vergebung führt.

Mit der Figur des vermutlich verrückten Predigers verdeutlicht der Autor also sehr gut den absurden Irrsinn der Situation in Nordirland.

Ein weiteres Beispiel dafür, wie es dem Autor gelingt, im Leser ein beklemmendes Gefühl wach zu rufen, ist die Schilderung von Grünewalds Gemälde von der Kreuzigung Jesu. Marcella schildert Cal, welch bleibenden Eindruck das Bild auf sie als Kind gemacht hat ,,`It was a painting. And it was the first thing like that which had any effect on me. It was by a man called Grünewald [...] I stood there and stared at it for so long the teachers lost me and had to come back for me. The pain in it is terrible. Not like our Walt Disney mural.'7 Später hat Cal Gelegenheit, sich selbst ein Urteil zu bilden, denn er schenkt Marcella zu Weihnachten ein Taschenbuch über Grünewald, in dem auch die Kreuzigungsszene abgebildet ist ,,The weight of the Christ figure bent the cross down like a bow; the hands were cupped to heaven like nailed starfish; the body with ist taut ribcage was pulled to the shape of an egg-timer by the weight of the lower body; the flesh was diseased with sores from the knotted scourges, the mouth open and gasping for breath. 74Bei dem hier beschriebenen Bild handelt es sich um die Mitteltafel des sog. Isenheimer Altars, des wohl berühmtesten Werks Grünewalds. Im Du Mont Kunstführer ist darüber zu lesen ,,In keinem anderen Werk dieser Zeit haben Grausamkeit und Leid, Verzweiflung und Hingabe einen ergreifenderen Ausdruck gefunden als in der Kreuzigung Christi des Isenheimer Altars um 151-15 von Mathis Nithart Gothart, genannt Grünewald (um 1475 - 158). Der Leichnam Christi hängt in übermenschlicher Größe vor dem Dunkel einer nicht endenden Nacht, die die Erde als düstere Stätte des Todes erscheinen lässt, der im Opfer des Menschensohnes seinen höchsten Triumph feiert. Mit grauenhafter Deutlichkeit werden die schwärenden Wunden der Geißelhiebe gezeigt und das unsägliche Leid in dem herabgesunkenem Kopf mit der Dornenkrone, in dem in Todeskrampf verzerrten Füßen und Händen. Die Wirklichkeitstreue der Schilderung erreicht einen Grad, wo sie ins Unheimliche umschlägt [...]75. Das Bild wirkt auf den Betrachter eindeutig verstörend, was Mac Laverty durch die genaue Schilderung auch auf den Leser überträgt. Durch das ungeheure Leid, das dieses Werk ausdrückt, entsteht eine Atmosphäre des Unheils und der Gewalt. Grünewalds Altarbild von der Kreuzigung Christi steht symbolisch für die Situation in der geschundenen Region, in der das Leid, das Grünewald so klar ausdrückt, auch heute noch gegenwärtig ist.

Sprachliche Mittel

Neben gestalterischen Mitteln verstärken auch sprachliche Mittel die Wirkung des Romans.

Mac Laverty ist ein vielgerühmter Kurzgeschichtenautor, der seine Schriftstellerkarriere mit dem Verfassen von Kurzgeschichten begann. Dies hat seinen Schreibstil sehr geprägt. Auch Cal ähnelt auf Grund von Sprache und Aufbau einer Kurzgeschichte. Dies hat auch der Kritiker Terence de Vere White bemerkt, den der Roman als echte Kurzgeschichte noch mehr beeindruckt hätte ,,This novel could have been a short story; its impact would have been even stronger.76 Neben dem unmittelbaren Beginn, der knappen Darstellung und dem offenen Schluss verfügt der Roman über einen Wendepunkt in der Handlung - alles Elemente einer Kurzgeschichte, die zu der beklemmenden Authentizität des Romans beitragen.

Auch die nüchterne, ungeschminkte Sprache,die an bekannte Kurzgeschichtenautoren erinnert wie z.B. Hemingway, sticht sofort ins Auge,,Die Sprache bleibt einfach, unprätentiös, allen schmückenden oder emotionalisierenden Adjektiven misstrauend [...]77. Immer sachlich und neutral beschreibt der Autor die Vorgänge. Auch bei der Erzählung grausamer Szenen (wie z.B. der oben erwähnten Schlachthausszene) bleibt eine Distanz und Objektivität erhalten, die nach H.G Pflaum die Bannkraft des Romans noch verstärkt. In einem Artikel in der SZ 185 schreibt der Kritiker ,,Je nüchterner er [der Autor] davon berichtet, desto intensiver wird die emotionale Qualität seiner Sprache; auch darauf beruht der Reiz dieser Erzählungen78.

Ein Mittel, durch das der Autor seinen Figuren Leben einhaucht, ist der häufige Einsatz der wörtlichen Rede.Sie bietet die Möglichkeit, die Unterschiede zwischen den Figuren zu unterstreichen und ihnen durch ihre unterschiedliche Ausdrucksweise persönliche Konturen und Züge zu verleihen. Bestes Beispiel hierfür sind Crilly und Marcella Mac Laverty hat die beiden Charaktere grundverschieden angelegt Marcella, die intellektuelle, liberale Kunstliebhaberin, und Crilly, der sadistische ,,bully7. Dieser charakterliche und intellektuelle Unterschied drückt sich auch in der Sprechweise der beiden aus. Crilly redet in einfachen Sätzen, benutzt umgangssprachliche Ausdrücke und flucht auch öfter derb, z.B. tituliert er Robert Morton als ,,big fucker80. Marcella dagegen drückt sich gewählt aus. Sie redet meist nach der Schrift, Schimpfwörter kommen ihr nie über die Lippen. Die Unterschiede zwischen den Charakteren werden bereits durch die Sprachkompetenz deutlich.

Das Benutzen der Umgangssprache hat noch einen Nebeneffekt. Die Arbeiter Cal, Shamie, Crilly und Cyril sprechen alle kein korrektes Englisch, sondern ,,wie ihnen der Schnabel gewachsen ist - wie man in nordirischen Arbeitervierteln eben spricht einfach, derb, und nicht immer salonfähig. Bester Beweis sind die mannigfaltigen Flüche und Schimpfnamen, die den Figuren im Laufe der Handlung entschlüpfen. Ob ,,arselicker81, ,,fucker8 oder (schon fast dezent) ,,crawler8 - die feine englische Art ist das zwar nicht, doch lässt diese Sprache die Personen wesentlich authentischer und somit glaubwürdiger erscheinen.

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Analysis of Lee Smith's "Intensive Care."

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Analysis of Lee Smith's "Intensive Care."

In "Intensive Care," Lee Smith expresses her vision of love, marriage and the meaning of life. Centering on one man who escapes a dispassionate marriage to wed the woman he loves, Smith states that love is worth struggle and loss, and suggests making meaning out of them.

The protagonist of the story, Harold Stikes, leaves his family and rejects his religion for a woman with a bad reputation. It is a big step for him considering the fact that this event takes place in a small town where there exists a strong sense of family, religion, and community. Thus, the narrative begins with a judgmental voice of the community, which rejects the passionate love between Cherry Oxendine and Harold Stikes. Gossiping neighbors, houses that "have a blank, closed look to them, like mean faces" and overall disapproval don't disturb his enjoyable new life. He "gives up all hope of peace on earth and heaven hereafter for the love of Cherry Oxendine" because she's worth it all and more.

With his first wife, Joan, Stikes has a "perfect" marriage. Joan is an intelligent and organized woman who lives her life almost by a plan. Together, they produce "three children, spaced three years apart" and build their perfect "wax museum." What more would a man want from life? When he finds out from the quiz in a magazine that Joan deems their marriage to be "average," he realizes that he does want more, that "It is not enough!" He yearns for passion and supreme love. He's hungry for communication and wants to feel alive. The love of a redheaded, energetic, generous and fallen, in the eyes of the community, Cherry Oxendine, makes him feel reborn. The rush of new and wonderful feelings enable Harold to see his former life as a mere existence; as a duplicate of other standard lives around him. "He drives past well-kept lawn after well-kept lawn and lovely house after lovely house." In addition to resemblance, there is no evident change in this community. Harold's visit to Joan's house proves this. Three years don't move a thing in the way of her life. Cherry, on the contrary, brings the excitement to his life. It is impossible to know what to expect from a woman with such a generous, dancing flame inside.

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As Cherry is dying from cancer and pneumonia, Harold tries to catch every moment of being with her. After a long resistance to believing the inevitable, he finally accepts that he's losing her. And even after that he doesn't regret that he left his family and married a waitress from the Food Lion. He doesn't agree with friends who consider him a fool. "He doesn't think so now, walking the old dirt road on the Oxendine farm in the moonlight." Cherry opened a new colorful world for her husband, and he is not ignorant of a beautiful nature around him anymore. "He loves his wife. He feels that he has been ennobled and enlarged, by knowing Cherry Oxendine. He feels like he has been specially selected among men, to receive a precious gift. He stepped out of his average life for her, he gave up being a good man, but the rewards have been extraordinary. He's glad he did it. He'd do it all over again." Loving her was the best thing Stikes experienced in his life and he wouldn't change it for anything in the world. His relationship with Cherry made him a human being and helped him grow spiritually.

The incident with the UFO prepares him for the outcome in the sense of accepting his inability to change his wife's condition. Cherry believes in UFO and destiny, and " thinks there is a master plan for the universe, and what is meant to happen will. She thinks it's all set in the stars" When walking at night in the field Harold sees a UFO, he realizes that he can't control her illness, but instead, has to cope with it and go on living. Accepting that, he even thinks of coming back to his family and religion. However, he will never be the same. Concerned for his wife's dignity he vouches to keep the incident on the lake a secret. No matter what's going to happen afterwards, he is a changed man forever. He is a man who found and preserved love and who will carry this feeling as a treasure through the rest of this "bright, hard life."

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