Tuesday, November 19, 2019

The house on mango street

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When growing up, every child dreams of living in a bigger and better house than the one in which they are living. This is also true of the narrator in The House on Mango Street. Throughout her childhood, her family has moved multiple times. As a child, she watched television and dreamed of what it would be like to live in a house like that. With a promise from her parents, her dreams are affirmed that they will one day live in her ?dream house.? Each time the family moved, a new person would move in with the family. With the addition of each person, the narrator?s dream of having a ?dream house? was diminished a little more.


The house on Mango Street is far from the narrator?s dream. It is a small one-bedroom house with one washroom for the six people living in the house. The bricks were crumbling on the outside of the house. There was not a front yard, or a big back yard to play in with this house. It also lacked the stairs inside the house; instead, they were in the hallway.


The only thing the narrator really wanted was a nice house, of which she could be proud. She wanted a house with stairs inside and a basement. The dream house would have a yard with trees and grass to enjoy. It would have three washrooms with piepes that worked and running water. Once she had this house, no one could humiliate her as her teacher once did. Before moving to the house on Mango Street, she was playing outside of her house on Loomis. When her teacher walked up and asked where she lived, she simply pointed up to the third floor. The teacher said ?there?? Like it was not suitable enough for her to live. ?The way she said it made me feel like nothing. There. I lived there.? This is when she became determined she wanted to live in a real house. Although she now lives in a house, it is not the house of her dreams. However, she is now realizing that she will never live in the house of her dreams. This is because the house is only in her dreams and it does not really exist. The house of her dreams is a house on television, which really does not exist anywhere. Any house that she lives in will never be able to live up to her dream because she will always find something wrong with it.


Growing up without a lot of money is rough. The only thing the child can do is dream of what they could have. This is what the narrator does in The House on Mango Street. She is constantly wishing that her and her family could have more than what they do. However, since other family members keep on moving in with her family, they are having difficulties advancing their living arrangements.


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Monday, November 18, 2019

Discuss Stevenson's portrayal of the Nature of Good and Evil and the Dual Nature of Man's Personality in the Novel.

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'The Strange Case of Dr Jeykll and Mr Hyde' by is a novel, written in 1886 by Robert Louis Stevenson in a Victorian society that has very strict views about, and about the separation of good and evil. In this era, the Victorian ideal was to have a marriage, to be religious, for everyone to live in happiness and to have a family. However, sex outside marriage was very wrong. This idea about sex outside marriage was very hypocritical due to the raising levels of prostitution and in true reality, many were poor and no one who came from a poor background had a chance to get very far in life as the Victorian world was very much dominated by class. Because of this era dominated by class, many people were condemned to live in poor accommodation with overcrowding due to more and more people becoming poorer and poor people couldn't afford good health services so therefore, many of the population died from disease.


The idea of this novel is to show people the relationship between good and evil in a realistic society against the Victorian ideal. In this novel, Mr Hyde is the evil side of Dr Jeykll. No one knows that they are together but in the novel, Mr Utterson is obsessed by this 'Hyde' and is desperate to know about him and know what he looks like. This is because in an ideal Victorian society, the poor and evil are set aside from the rich and good and Utterson seems desperate to define evil so that everyone can know what evil looks like because it seems that he is an obvious representative of evil.


At the beginning of the novel he tramples on a little girl and later on murders an old man and draws huge attention to himself because Victorians expect people to be perfect and when a person did something wrong or strange then the were instantly suspected to be evil. Mr Utterson is astounded by Mr Hyde's behaviour when they first talk he says something to himself about Dr Jeykll's 'new friend'. When Mr Utterson says 'Satan's signature upon a face, it is on that of your new friend' he is implying that Mr Hyde is evil just by speaking to him which shows how naive the Victorians were about the good and evil issue. Even the high people in society like Mr Utterson who seem to be important and intelligent see Mr Hyde as possessed, evil and troglodytic. Mr Hyde is seen as an animal by the way that Robert Louis Stevenson described him by using words like 'snarled' and 'savage'


When Mr Utterson meets with Mr Hyde, Stevenson shows that Utterson is a very curious character because he is so desperate to pinpoint evil and know what evil looks like. When Mr Hyde shouts at Mr Utterson about Utterson hearing about Hyde from Jeykll by saying 'He never told you' this is a critical turn in the story as we get the hint that they are both connected in someway.


Good and evil in this novel are two very separate things as well as in Victorian society. They like the two ideologies to very far apart to stop any disruption between the two. In the 1st two paragraphs we are given the idea that Jeykll and Hyde are separated. The evidence for this is their houses, they both have different houses however they are both connected by a lab which defies that ideology of good and evil completely separate which underlines that it is impossible to disconnect good and evil. Although these two houses are completely different so there is no hint to the neutral characters in the story that these two houses are connected.


Dr Jeykll's house is in a 'square of ancient handsome houses' this quote denoted that Dr Jeykll is from a high position of society. 'and at the door of which wore a great air of wealth and comfort' this shows that Stevenson is trying to maintain our belief that Jeykll and Hyde are separated as wealth and comfort are both connected to goodness, wealth is especially considered to be good as in Victorian times, wealth mean that you very high in society and instantly made you good. Jeykll's home is a very pleasant, warm house. We can tell that there seems to be no evil within this house. The furniture inside the house can also describe Dr Jeykll too which his 'polished cabinets' and open fire and that his house is very clean.


Mr Hyde's house is completely different, all the houses are packed together and are extremely cramped which, in the real Victorian era, denoted lack of wealth, dirty and evil. There are tramps living outside, the door is 'blistered and distained' the wall was discoloured and the door had no bell or knocker which could suggest Hyde's desire to be independent and alone which also shows his unfriendliness. All of these features show that Hyde, in Victorian society, would be suspected to be evil. Even although we know, Stevenson does very well the make us believe that Jeykll and Hyde are two separate people and that they are no way connected.


In this paragraph I will explain the truth compared to the ideals of Victorian society. In the novel, people like Utterson and Lanyon are completely obsessed with the tradition of good and evil being separated. They could never bear to see them both together. When Mr Utterson goes in search of Hyde to try and define evil, he has no idea that Mr Hyde could ever be connected to Dr Jeykll and thinks that Dr Jeykll is the perfect role model because he projects his evil side onto Hyde so when he feels like doing something bad, he can use the 'Hyde' identity to do as he pleases.


The problem with how Jeykll does this is his problem, the drag that turns him back soon begins to loose effect and Jeykll has to lock himself up because he no longer has the choice to choose to be good or evil. This shows that attempting to be perfect in society is hopeless in reality and that the Victorian ideal is impossible to live by. However Lanyon thought that living by the ideal would be an easy task and that everyone should be able to live by it and has done his best to live by it all him life. But when he sees Jeykll turn into Hyde he is shocked and gives up the will to live because everything that he had followed and believed in disappeared in front of his eyes and to see an upstanding member of society turn into a murdering fiend turned his world upside down.


This novel basically says that the Victorian society was impossible to live by because in reality, life is a mix of good and evil and that there is no way you can separate it because there is no one perfectly good, or perfectly evil and that life is balanced and tat Victorian society was extremely hypocritical due to them saying that they were perfect and that deny their evilness.


Please note that this sample paper on Discuss Stevenson's portrayal of the Nature of Good and Evil and the Dual Nature of Man's Personality in the Novel. is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on Discuss Stevenson's portrayal of the Nature of Good and Evil and the Dual Nature of Man's Personality in the Novel., we are here to assist you. Your cheap custom college paper on Discuss Stevenson's portrayal of the Nature of Good and Evil and the Dual Nature of Man's Personality in the Novel. will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.


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The Chickamauga Campaign

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THE CHICKAMAUGA CAMPAIGN


16 AUGUST SEPTEMBER 186


INTRODUCTION THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR


By the spring of 186 the American Civil War had become what seemed a permanent hardship for both the Union and the Confederacy. Hopes for quick victory had long since faded and the initial flood of thousands to the colors had ebbed to a trickle. Both the South and the North attempted several schemes to satisfy the war's appetite for manpower including, finally, conscription, which further lowered morale. The Civil War had become a wearying and expensive burden upon the American people of both sides.


Custom Essays on The Chickamauga Campaign


The American Civil War was fought in two separate theaters. The western theater was at first located along both sides of the Mississippi River. The eastern theater was, for the most part, centered in Virginia, where the Union, in the absence of any formal or well-defined strategy, had apparently made the seizure of Richmond its implicit goal. The Confederacy, numerically and materially inferior to the Union, had adopted what President Jefferson Davis called an "offensive-defensive" approach to the war that attempted to exploit the South's strategic interior position. Hence, while the North retained the initiative invading Virginia at will, the South moved its forces in reaction to repel each invasion. So the war in the east existed as a series of thrusts and counterthrusts, but no territory permanently changed hands. Success on the battlefield was measured largely in terms of which side suffered the most casualties. Even in September of 186 when Lee took the initiative and invaded Maryland, the ensuing battle of Antietam continued the sequence attack, repel, withdraw.


In the west, it was different war. Here the initial objective was clear'gain control of the Mississippi. The Union had, apparently, belatedly accepted Winfield Scott's Anaconda strategy, which called for a blockade of the Atlantic coast and control of the Mississippi River. Brigadier General Ulysses S. Grant's successful attacks against Forts Henry and Donelson, the bloody but important victory at Shiloh, and Brigadier General John Pope's capture of Island No. 10 set the pattern of the war in the west. Each success shifted the next battleground a little deeper into the South's domain, slowly tightening the boundaries.


Still, by the spring of 186, the war had moved no closer to a decision, neither gaining independence for the Confederacy nor preserving the Union. The summer of 186, though, would change that. Three major campaigns, Gettysburg, Vicksburg, and, Chickamauga, would firmly put the war on the road to Appomattox. Gettysburg and Vicksburg were decisive Northern victories with strategic significance.


The Chickamauga Campaign, in contrast, has been billed as a "shattering defeat" for the Union. And yet it was this "shattering defeat" that eventually led to the captures of Chattanooga, the Gateway City to the Deep South, and Atlanta, and opened the way for Sherman's march to the sea. Of the these major campaigns of 186, only the "shattering defeat" of Chickamauga led ultimately to the end of the war and the defeat of the Confederacy.


INTERLUDE AT MURFREESBORO


The conclusion of the Stones River Campaign in January 186 left Major General William S. Rosecrans and his Army of the Cumberland in possession of Murfreesboro, Tennessee. General Braxton Bragg, CSA, his erstwhile opponent in the campaign, had positioned the main body of his Army of Tennessee along a line twenty miles to the southeast, stretching from Shelbyville, through Wartrace, to Fairfield. Dispositions for both armies are shown in map 1.


Map 1. Dispositions in the Tullahoma Area of Operations, January June 186.


Although the dispositions remained essentially unchanged for six months, the Southern cavalry was very busy conducting raids against both Grant's and Rosecrans's lines of communication. The loss of the base at Holly Springs proved a major setback for Grant's operations along the Mississippi, and destruction of railways and depots resulted in the Army of the Cumberland having to subsist on half-rations for several weeks. Rosecrans, as later events proved, was very sensitive to any threats to his supply lines, but did not believe his cavalry assets were capable of defending them against enemy cavalry. As a consequence he bombarded Major General Halleck, the Army's General-in-Chief, with a steady stream of messages requesting the assignment of more cavalry to the Army of the Cumberland. Over time the issue became a source of irritation to both generals, but in the meantime qualified and appropriately equipped cavalry for Rosecrans was not forthcoming. In a flash of ingenuity, he mounted Colonel John T. Wilder's infantry brigade on captured horses. The brigade, which had styled itself the "Lightning Brigade," performed creditable service throughout the campaign.


The Army of the Cumberland, with 60,000 troops, had been reorganized by order of the Department of War into four corps XIV Corps under Major General George H. Thomas; XX Corps under Major General Alexander McD. McCook; XXI Corps under Major General Thomas L. Crittenden; and the Reserve Corps under Major General Gordon Granger.


General Bragg's Army of Tennessee, with strength of 4,000 men, also comprised four corps. The army headquarters and Lieutenant General Leonidas Polk's corps were located at Shelbyville. Lieutenant General William J. Hardee's (soon to be replaced by Lieutenant General Daniel H. Hill) corps was distributed between Wartrace and Fairfield. Brigadier General Nathan B. Forrest's corps of cavalry covered the army's left flank from Columbia and Colonel James T. Wheeler's covered the right flank from its base in McMinnville.


As the days, weeks, and months went by, Rosecrans remained in Murfreesboro gathering supplies, strengthening his bases, and keeping his communications open. It is likely also that he spent a considerable amount of time studying the terrain and the enemy in preparation for his next move against Bragg and Chattanooga.


After a few subtle messages urging Rosecrans to move against Bragg's positions, Halleck finally lost patience


I deem it my duty to repeat to you the great dissatisfaction that is felt here [Washington] at your inactivity.


And again on 16 June


Is it your intention to make an immediate movement forward? A definite answer, yes or no, is required.


Rosecrans's unruffled response, "In reply to your inquiry, if immediate means to night or to-morrow, no. If it means as soon as all things are ready, say five days, yes." was followed about a week later, in a message dated 4 June, by "The army begins to move at o'clock this morning." In fact, according to Halleck's official report of operations of the Department of Cumberland, Rosecrans did not begin his movements until the twenty-fifth.


THE TULLAHOMA CAMPAIGN


Rosecrans's plan of attack began with a detailed review of the enemy situation. His first concern was identifying the location of Bragg's main base of supply at Chattanooga. They also had access to "all the resources of the Duck River Valley and the country southward." Bragg's main army occupied a strong position north of the Duck River extending from Shelbyville to Wartrace with cavalry screening on both flanks.


His report included a detailed terrain analysis. He pointed out that the Confederate infantry was covered (and, presumably, concealed) by a range of rough and rocky hills, and he listed and described the six principal routes leading from Murfreesboro toward Tullahoma and the enemy's lines of communications. The enemy held all of the passes and routes. In additions to the natural obstacles, Bragg's fortifications also included a "redan line extending from Horse Mountain, on the east, to Duck River on the west, and was covered by a line of abatis. He estimated the enemy's strength at 0,000 infantry and artillery and 8,000 cavalry.


For someone who claimed a deficiency in cavalry and other means of reconnaissance, Rosecrans had an extraordinary knowledge of the enemy. There was a large presence of Union loyalists in the area and it is possible that some of these were providing Rosecrans's with information of Bragg's dispositions, fortifications, and intentions.


Knowing that Bragg intended to defend from his strongly fortified positions, Rosecrans decided to turn his right, or northern flank. The basic plan was to send Granger's Reserve Corps along with Brigadier General Robert B. Mitchell's cavalry to the west and then to the south as a feint against Bragg's left flank. Another body of cavalry and infantry would move toward Woodbury, to the east, to look like feints "designed by us to deceive Bragg and conceal our supposed real designs on their left, . . ."


During the evening of the twenty-third Rosecrans gathered his corps commanders and issued his orders.


Granger was to move the Reserve Corps to threaten Middleton, cover the passage of one of the XIV Corps divisions and then bivouac behind XX Corps.


McCook's XX Corps was to move down the Shelbyville Pike, turn to the left, send two divisions to seize and hold Liberty Gap at the Wartrace Road. A third division was to move to Fosterville and, after covering the passage of the Reserve Corps from the Middleton Road, move to Christiana to rejoin the rest of the Corps.


XIV Corps, Major General Thomas, was to move toward Manchester, seize and hold Hoover's Gap, and remain there to cover both Hoover's Gap and Millersburg Road. The corps was to remain within supporting distance of XX Corps.


Crittenden was to leave a division in Murfreesboro and concentrate the rest of XXI Corps on Bradyville and await orders.


One brigade of cavalry was to go with XXI Corps and screen toward McMinnville. The rest of the cavalry, under Major General David S. Stanley, was to join with Brigadier General Robert B. Mitchell and attack the enemy cavalry at Middleton.


Map . Rosecrans's Plan of Operations, 4 June 186.


Earlier, on the morning of the twenty-third, Granger had sent the First Cavalry Division under Mitchell down the Eagleville and Shelbyville pike to "make a furious attack" on the enemy cavalry there and push back the infantry outposts. Granger took the remainder of the Reserve Corps to Salem and remained there.


Major General John M. Palmer, Second Division, XXI Corps, and a brigade of cavalry moved to Bradyville "to seize the head of the defile leading up to the 'Barrens' by an obscure road leading to Manchester, by Lumley's Station."


All of this occurred approximately according to plan on the twenty-fourth as shown on Map .


On the twenty-fifth the question as to whether the enemy would advance against McCook or mass on the flank of Thomas's XIV Corps near Fairfield remained open. Accordingly, Rosecrans issued supplementary orders to his corps commanders.


Crittenden was to open communications with Thomas who would then attack the enemy's right flank and drive them toward Fairfield. The other commanders, McCook, Stanley, and Granger, were to continue their feints. If Thomas was successful in forcing Bragg's retreat, he was to send a division to cover the road to Wartrace with one division, and send the rest'rapidly'on to Manchester. McCook would then occupy Beech Grove, leave a division to hold Liberty Gap, and ultimately follow Thomas to Manchester. The others were to move on to Manchester as the evolving battle permitted.


Throughout the entire operation, movement was made exceedingly difficulty because of the heavy and incessant rain. The narrow roads throughout the region were poor enough in good weather; the rains made them virtually impassable. These conditions strongly favored the defense who had only to remain in their positions.


By the twenty-seventh, "It was now manifest that the enemy must leave his intrenched position at Shelbyville, and that we must expect him at Tullahoma, only 1 miles distant. . . . While this was progressing, I [Rosecrans] determined to cut, if possible, the railroad in Bragg's rear."


Wilder had in the meantime been sent with his mounted Lightning Brigade, supported by another brigade of infantry, to destroy the railroad bridge across the Elk River to sever Bragg's route of retreat. When they arrived, they found the bridge defended by a brigade of infantry and a battery of artillery and were unable to destroy the bridge. Wilder was able, however, to damage the road at Decherd causing the enemy some difficulties. (Map )


Map . Bragg's Retreat to Chattanooga.


Most of the actual fighting occurred in the gaps and canyons. The enemy had attempted, unsuccessfully, to retake Liberty Gap from McCook's division and later, on the twenty-seventh while it was still raining, Stanley's cavalry supported by Granger's infantry attacked enemy troops at Guy's Gap who carried out a delaying operation until the they reached their entrenched positions. A flanking attack and a direct charge finally drove them out.


Bragg's troops were driven out of Shelbyville and into the Elk River. Shelbyville was taken, according to Rosecrans, with its stores, weapons, and ammunition. Rosecrans directed his troops to continue to Tullahoma where he hoped to cut off Bragg's retreat. But when they arrived there, on July, they found the enemy had already moved on to Chattanooga.


Thus ended a nine days' campaign, which drove the enemy from two fortified positions and gave us possession of Middle Tennessee, conducted in one of the most extraordinary rains ever known in Tennessee. . . . These results were far more successful than was anticipated, and could only have been obtained by a surprise as to the direction and force of our movement.


Moreover, it was accomplished at the cost of 84 killed, 474 wounded, and 1 missing, an extremely low number for battle casualties during this period of the war.


While Rosecrans's report occupies six pages, Bragg's is contained in a series of brief messages given here in more eloquent form than any narrative could provide


Yesterday the enemy in large force passed my right after skirmishing sharply along my whole front for two days. The line of Shelbyville being too long to be held successfully by my force, I to-day resumed my position in my intrenchments at this place [Tullahoma] to await the full developments.


Finding my communications seriously endangered by movements of the enemy, I last night took up a more defensible position this side of Elk River (which now, by reason of heavy rains, is impassable except at the bridges), losing nothing of importance.


Unable to obtain a general engagement without sacrificing my communications, I have, after a series of skirmishes, withdrawn the army to this river [Tennessee]. It is now coming down the mountains. I hear of no formidable pursuit.


A letter to General Joseph E. Johnston on July is a little less imperious. Here Bragg points out that he was apparently ready for a battle to his front even against a stronger opponent, but Rosecrans did not take up the challenge. Instead, he moved against Bragg's right flank. Bragg claims he did not have the strength or the means to counter the maneuver "without too much reducing our main body." So, he withdrew to Tullahoma.


Then, Bragg reports, Rosecrans moved against the bridges over the Elk River, but by moving quickly the Confederates saved their supplies and got across the river just before the arrival of a heavy column of Union troops. These comments, incidentally, do not agree with Rosecrans's report, especially with respect to supplies captured in Shelbyville.


The rest of Bragg's report is best given in his own words.


We were now back against the mountains, in a country affording us nothing, with a long line of railroad to protect, and half a dozen passes on the right and left by which our rear could be gained. In this position it was perfectly practicable for the enemy to destroy our means of crossing the Tennessee, and thus secure our ultimate destruction without a battle [emphasis mine]. Having failed to bring him to that issue, so much desired by myself and troops, I reluctantly yielded to the necessity imposed by my position and inferior strength, and put the army in motion for the Tennessee River.


And a final message to General Cooper


Since my report from Bridgeport, the whole army has crossed the Tennessee. The pursuit of the enemy was checked and driven back at University Place, on the Cumberland Mountains. Our movement was attended with trifling loss of men and materials.


FROM TULLAHOMA TO THE TENNESSEE


The Army of Tennessee, as reported by both Bragg and Rosecrans, crossed the Elk River, and moved by way of University and Tantallon, crossing the Tennessee at several locations as shown on map 4. After leaving detachments to guard crossing sites, Bragg moved to Chattanooga and Tyner's Station where he started construction of fieldworks.


Map 4. Army of Tennessee Crossing Sites over the Tennessee River.


Once he had driven Bragg out of Middle Tennessee, Rosecrans began to prepare for the next stage of his operations. The objective, he stated, was Chattanooga, "one of the great gateways through the mountains to the champaign counties of Georgia and Alabama."


In his report, Rosecrans once again pays meticulous attention to the details of terrain from northwestern edge of the Cumberland Mountains to Chattanooga. In essence, the area is strongly cross-compartmented by several steep ridges traversed by poor roads and gaps. At the end of the Tullahoma campaign, the Army of the Cumberland was positioned as shown on Map 5.


Map 5. Dispositions of the Armies of the Cumberland and Tennessee after 4 July 186.


From those locations, the army could reach Chattanooga by one of five or six routes. But before he could consider crossing anywhere, Rosecrans believed it necessary to repair the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad and bring forward supplies which could not otherwise be brought overland by way of the impassable roads. When the rails to Stevenson were open, Sheridan's division posted two brigades to Bridgeport and one to Stevenson to secure the stores which were moved there in sufficient quantities to support most of the army by 8 August.


On 16 August Rosecrans began moving his troops over the Cumberland Mountains. In his plan he assigned routes in many cases down to the division and brigade levels. XXI Corps was to move in three parallel division columns across the Sequatchie Valley. Minty's cavalry brigade was to screen the left flank. Thomas's XIV Corps was to advance in two columns along Battle Creek and Crow Creek, respectively. XX Corps, under McCook was to send one division through Salem to Bellefonte and one from Winchester to Stevenson; his third division, under Major General P.H. Sheridan, was already guarding supplies at Stevenson and Bridgeport. The Reserve Corps was to follow the main body. By 0 August all of the Army of the Cumberland had crossed the mountains. "Thus the army passed the first great barrier between it and the objective point, and arrived opposite the enemy on the banks of the Tennessee."


ACROSS THE TENNESSEE AND ON TO CHICKAMAUGA CREEK


The next great barrier, the Tennessee River, would prove to be a little more difficult. Bragg had destroyed all of the bridges across the river so pontoons and bridging material had to be brought forward to Stevenson. To conceal for as long as possible his intended crossing sites, Rosecrans directed that the bridging materials be kept hidden until the last moment. Construction of bridges and acquisition of boats and rafts was completed on 4 September and units began to cross. XIV Corps was to move to Trenton, XX Corps was to go to Alpine by way of Winston's Gap, and Crittenden's XXI Corps was to move toward Chattanooga. Minty's cavalry and Wilder's brigade was to accompany Crittenden and the rest were to move with McCook. Crittenden's and McCook's corps had crossed by 6 September and Thomas's corps, by the eighth.


Bragg, observing that the main body of Rosecrans's troops had crossed the Tennessee south of Chattanooga and was threatening his communications, he believed it necessary to meet that threat or suffer having his supply lines cut. He did not think he could safely divide his force, so Bragg marched his whole army out of Chattanooga on 8 September and moved toward La Fayette to set up defensive positions facing the center of Rosecrans's forces.


This movement checked the enemy's advance, and, as I [Bragg] expected, he took possession of Chattanooga, and looking upon our movement as a retreat, commenced a concentration and pursuit.


On September, after Crittenden's reconnaissance discovered Bragg's abandonment of Chattanooga, he entered into and occupied the city as Bragg expected. Rosecrans believed from information he had available that Bragg was in flight to Rome, Georgia. He ordered Crittenden to leave a brigade to hold Chattanooga and with his remaining forces follow Bragg's retreat "vigorously, anticipating that the main body had retired by Ringgold and Dalton." Subsequent information made it appear certain that the enemy's main body was in the vicinity of La Fayette.


By this time Bragg had already received 11,500 seasoned soldiers from General Joe Johnston. Major General Simon Bolivar Buckner with 8,000 troops had also joined the Army of Tennessee, and there was word the Lieutenant General James Longstreet was en route from Lee's Army of Northern Virginia with 1,000 to 15,000 more. Eventually, then, Bragg could expect to have in the vicinity of 70,000 men and actually outnumber Rosecrans's 60,000.


Bragg's apparent flight toward Rome was a ruse which he further abetted with rumors and false information given by "deserters" and line crossers. The purpose was to lure Rosecrans's widely separated corps individually into combat.


During the th it was ascertained that a column, estimated at from 4,000 to 8,000, had crossed Lookout Mountain into the cove [McLemore's Cove] by way of Steven's and Cooper's Gaps.


This column was Thomas's XIV Corps with Negley's division in the lead. When Negley was about a mile from Dug Gap he found it to be occupied by a strong enemy force. Baird's division was sent forward to help. Both divisions fought their way back to a position forward of Stevens Gap. At this point it became clear to Rosecrans that Bragg was not, in fact, falling back but was instead concentrating his forces at La Fayette behind Pigeon Mountain. His own units were disposed as shown on map 6 along a line some 40 miles long from end to the other with the intention of cutting off Bragg's retreat and hitting on the flank. But Bragg was not in retreat and, as he put it, "It was therefore a matter of life and death to effect the concentration of the army."


Map 6. Dispositions on 10 September 186.


Bragg apparently did not have the big picture with respect to Rosecrans's dispositions; he knew there was a body of troops, 4,000 to 5,000 strong near Stevens Gap and possibly another column to the north at Cooper's Gap of unknown strength. In any event, Bragg did not waste any time getting orders out to Major General Hindman to attack this force near Davis' crossroads. He also alerted Lieutenant General Hill to take or send Major General Cleburne's divisions to joint Hindman in the morning.


One can only imagine Bragg's reaction when Hill replied that his movement and support of Hindman was "impracticable" because Cleburne was ill and, furthermore, his route to Davis' crossroads through Dug and Catlett's gaps was blocked by fallen timbers. Possibly angry but still determined to seize this opportunity, Bragg sent orders to Buckner to move his two divisions to support Hindman who was already in position. Buckner joined Hindman at Morgan's, three or four miles from Davis' crossroads on the afternoon of the tenth.


Meanwhile, Bragg was looking beyond the immediate opportunity.


Reports fully confirming previous information in regard to the position of the enemy's forces were received during the 10th, and it became certain he was moving his three columns to form a junction upon us at or near La Fayette.


The corps near Colonel Winston's [McCook] moved on the mountain toward Alpine, a point 0 miles south of us. The one opposite the cove [Thomas] continued its movement and threw forward its advance to Davis' Cross-Roads, and Crittenden moved from Chattanooga on the roads to Ringgold and Lee and Gordon's Mills. To strike these isolated commands in succession was our obvious policy (emphasis added).


Bragg then received a communication from Buckner and Hindman, who had joined, to recommend a change in the plan of attack. Bragg's report does not reflect the state of his temper when it matter of factly states "After hearing the report of this officer, . . . I verbally direct the major to return to General Hindman and say that my plans could not be changed, and that he would carry out his orders."


Cleburne, in the meantime, apparently experiencing a miraculous cure, was at Dug Gap where Walker's Reserve Corps was ordered to move. Cleburne promptly removed all the obstructions in Dug and Catlett's Gaps. Units were organized and disposed in preparation for the attack against Thomas. At daylight Bragg himself arrived at Dug Gap where he found Cleburne waiting for the opening of Hindman's guns to move on the flank and rear of the enemy.


Most of the day was spent in this position, waiting in great anxiety for the attack by Hindman's columns. Several couriers and two staff officers were dispatched at different times urging him to move with promptness and vigor.


About the middle of the afternoon the first gun was heard, when the advance of Cleburne's division discovered the enemy had taken advantage of our delay and retreated to the mountain passes.


Still undiscouraged, Bragg turned to the north where Crittenden was still moving south from Chattanooga. Knowing that Crittenden's force was divided, he sent Lieutenant General Polk a message, presenting him "a fine opportunity of striking Crittenden in detail, and I hope you will avail yourself of it at daylight to-morrow. . . . I I shall be delighted to hear of your success." Two more messages followed directing his action against Crittenden. At 11 PM that evening Bragg got a dispatch from Polk indicating he had set up a strong defense and requesting reinforcements. This time some of Bragg's rage seeps through the official verbiage of his report. "He was promptly ordered not to defer his attack, his force being already numerically superior to the enemy, and was reminded that his success depended upon the promptness and rapidity of his movements."


But this opportunity too was not to be seized. "Again disappointed, immediate measures were taken to place our trains and limited supplies in safe positions, when all our forces were concentrated along the Chickamauga, threatening the enemy in front."


So he redeployed his forces along the Chickamauga, as shown on map 7, where he remained until the eighteenth.


Map 7. Bragg's Plans for 18 September 186.


On the evening of 17 September Bragg announced his plan of action to begin at 6 AM the next morning.


Johnson's column to cross the Chickamauga at or near Reed's Bridge, turns to the left and sweeps up the Chickamauga toward Lee and Gordon's Mill.


Walker to cross at Alexander's Bridge, join with Johnson and push the enemy's flank and rear.


Buckner to cross the Chickamauga and join in the movement to the left.


Polk to cross the Chickamauga wherever possible and join the battle.


Hill to cover the army's left flank and attack the flank of any enemy reinforcement.


Wheeler's cavalry to hold the gaps in Pigeon Mountain and cover the army's rear and left.


Meanwhile, Rosecrans's forces were in motion to establish a defensive line generally along the Rossville La Fayette Road from Rossville in the north to Crawfish Spring in the south. Crittenden's corps was at Lee and Gordon's Mills, Thomas's corps was at Pond Spring, and McCook's was as Stevens Gap. Minty's brigade of cavalry and Wilder's mounted brigade were east of Reed's Bridge along the Ringgold Road; the remainder of the cavalry, Mitchell's corps, was covering the army's right flank along the road from Alpine to McLemore's Cove


THE BATTLE OF CHICKAMAUGA


The first three brigades of Longstreet's corps from the Army of Northern Virginia arrived on the morning of 18 September. Six others in addition to Alexander's artillery battalion were still on the way.


Bragg's plans and dispositions were such that he apparently wanted to accomplish two objectives first, get between Rosecrans's army and Chattanooga; second, drive the army into McLemore's Cove where he could destroy it.


Rosecrans figured out Bragg's plan and began to reposition his forces to counter it. So on the morning of the 18th Thomas's corps began to move to the area between Reed's Bridge and Alexander's Bridge. McCook also moved in that direction behind Thomas.


Bushrod Johnson's confederate column, attempting to cross Reed's Bridge on the 18th, encountered Minty's cavalry who successfully prevented its crossing for most of the day. Wilder's brigade also successfully blocked Walker's crossing of Alexander's Bridge, forcing him to move further south to Lambert's Ford to cross. Hood joined Bushrod Johnson's column about 4 PM and finally pushed Minty's cavalry back. Both Minty and Wilder were pushed back beyond the La Fayette Road, and the Confederates began to cross the Chickamauga in force.


Map 8. Situation at Dawn, 1 September 186.


By the morning of the 1th all but three divisions of the Army of Tennessee was across and deployed along the west bank of the creek, map 8. Thomas, hearing that only a single brigade had crossed, sent two brigades forward to conduct a reconnaissance and attack any small force encountered. "The advance brigade, supported by the rest of the divison, soon encountered a strong body of the enemy [Forrest's dismounted cavalry], attacked it vigorously, and drove it back more than half a mile, where a very strong column of the enemy was found, with the evident intention of turning our left and gaining possession of the La Fayette road between us and Chattanooga." Then began a progressive series of battles as units were fed into battle from north to south.


At one point Stewart's division penetrated Rosecrans's center, but adjustments in the locations of Negley's and Brannan's divisions were able to restore the line. The battle raged throughout the day until "The roar of battle hushed in the darkness of night, and out troops, weary with a night of marching and a day of fighting, rested on their arms, having everywhere maintained their positions, developed the enemy, and gained . . . the great object of the battle of the 1th of September."


Longstreet, with two more brigades, arrived on the twentieth. That evening Bragg summoned his commanders and laid out his plans for the next day. The army was reorganized into two wings Longstreet would command the left wing and Polk, the right.


Lieutenant General Polk was ordered to assail the enemy on our extreme right at day dawn on the 0th, and to take up the attack in succession rapidly to the left. The left wing was to await the attack by the right, take it up promptly when made, and the whole line was then to be pushed vigorously and persistently against the enemy throughout its extent.


The next morning Bragg was mounted and "occupying a position immediately in rear of and accessible to all parts of the line." Polk was not in place and his troops were not ready to attack to Bragg's great chagrin. When the assault finally began at 10 o'clock, the troops were fed piecemeal against prepared positions and driven back with heavy losses. Bragg's narrative continues in a confusing manner discussing the assault by Polk.


About 4 p.m. this general assault was made and the attack was continued from right to left until the enemy gave way at different points, and finally, about dark, yielded us his line. . . .


The enemy though driven from his line, still confronted us, and desultory firing was heard until 8 p.m.


He gives no indication that he was aware that Longstreet had broken through and that all but Thomas's corps'including Rosecrans'had abandoned the field and fled to Chattanooga.


Rosecrans, too, met with his commanders the evening before to discuss plans for the next day. Thomas was to stay where he was. McCook was to remain in his location until his pickets were driven in and then he was to close on Thomas with his right flank refused (that is, bent back to the right). Crittenden was to have two divisions in reserve behind the junction between Thomas and McCook. In the morning Rosecrans inspected the positions and made adjustments. Rosecrans's narrative at this point is confusing and spends considerable time discussing dissatisfaction with various unit positions. The upshot was that all of the units should be closed to the left, toward Thomas.


Rosecrans was still in the act of adjusting his lines as the battle began. In the course of the day, Thomas who was taking the brunt of Polk's assault was asking for reinforcements. Informed that Brannan's division was out of line and Reynolds's right flank was open, Rosecrans sent orders to Wood, who was to Brannan's immediate right, to close up on Reynolds. Wood followed the directions literally, figure 1.


Figure 1. Wood's Movement to Reynolds's Right.


When the error was discovered, Davis was ordered to close his division on Wood's division. Rosecrans describes the ensuing events


By this unfortunate mistake a gap was opened in the line of battle, of which the enemy took instant advantage, and striking Davis in flank and rear, as well as in front, threw his whole division in confusion.


The same attack shattered the right brigade of Wood before it had cleared the space. The right of Brannan was thrown back, and two of his batteries, then in movement to a new position, were taken in flank and thrown back through two brigade of Van Cleve, then on the march to the left, throwing his division into confusion from which it never recovered until it reached Rossville. . . . the enemy poured in through this breach.


The Army of the Cumberland fell back in disorder except for Thomas's XIV Corps. Longstreet continued his assault pushing Brannan and Reynolds to the right and bending Thomas's line as shown in map .


Map . Situation at 00 P.M., 0 September 186.


Thomas's corps, supported by two divisions from Granger's Reserve Corps, stood fast for the rest of the day. Longstreet continued his assault on Thomas's left with two divisions and a battery of artillery against Brannan and Reynolds and Polk remained along the front of Thomas's line of troops as he had for most of the day. Longstreet made a last charge at sunset where they were met with bayonets and driven back not to return.


At nightfall the enemy had been repulsed along the whole line, and sunk into quietude without attempting to renew the combat.


General Thomas, considering the excessive labors of the troops, the scarcity of ammunition, food, and water, and having orders from the general commanding to use his discretion, determined to retire on Rossville, where they arrived in good order, took post before morning, receiving supplies from Chattanooga, and offering the enemy battle during all the next day and repulsing his reconnaissance.


Bragg did not order a pursuit because he believed it would have been unrewarding and because his troops were "weak and exhausted."


Thus ended the Battle of Chickamauga, a Federal defeat because the Army of the Cumberland had abandoned the battlefield. Federal casualties were 1,657 killed, ,756 wounded, and 4,757 captured or missing, for a total of 16,170. Confederate casualties totaled 18,454.


ANALYSIS


Who won the Battle Chickamauga? Using one standard of success traditionally observed since the intramural wars of the ancient Greeks, when victors erected trophies on the sites of their victories, the Army of Tennessee won the Battle of Chickamauga. When the battle was over, Bragg was in possession of the battlefield. And so it is reported in most histories of the Civil War. Some have even labeled it a "shattering defeat" for the Union. Other factors, though, when viewed objectively, would seem to make the defeat a little less "shattering." Bragg's army suffered more casualties, but this measure of victory though more important than mere possession of the battlefield is not convincing either. There were two objectives, however, that Bragg, though he recognized and attempted to achieve them, failed to accomplish. He did not regain Chattanooga and he did not destroy Rosecrans's army. Although it happens that Rosecrans's occupation of Chattanooga was not a pleasant experience'his army was besieged and starving'it was nonetheless denied to Bragg.


It is also important to observe Rosecrans's actions, when he was led to believe that Bragg was in flight to Rome, Georgia around the th of September. He directed Crittenden to leave a brigade in Chattanooga, but his main focus was upon pursuing Bragg, presumably to destroy his army. Bragg, at the end of the battle, did not pursue (a blunder, in the opinions of at least Longstreet and Forrest).


There are several salient errors in the operations of both sides. Before launching into heavy criticism of commanders who had immense responsibilities and spans of control, however, it is worth considering several factors in mitigation. Both Rosecrans and Bragg with sixty and seventy thousand men respectively under their commands have to be respected for the fact that by today's standards they controlled the entire battle and campaign directly. They had no staffs of any consequence and they virtually operated from a campfire. Indeed, one criticism that comes easily from a close examination of the battle is that both commanders, but most especially Rosecrans, got involved directly with lower levels of command. Neither allowed their corps commanders to run their own battles. This is certainly understandable in Bragg's case when he had the likes of Polk who not only failed to take the initiative, but also several times had actually obstructed Bragg's orders. Rosecrans, however, with subordinates like Thomas and Granger who had demonstrated abilities to respond well to battlefield events in the most stressful situations, should have taken better advantage of these talents.


As someone who has experienced the fog of war at first hand, even in this age of electronic communications and rapid mobility, it is impressive to observe how well commanders functioned on the Civil War battlefield. This was especially true for Chickamauga where the dense undergrowth and rugged terrain often reduced visibility to just a few yards. Although tactics were far less complicated than they are today, even to keep men in line and moving in what must have been the most lethal environment known to man was no small feat.


Of interest to students of warfare are the strong influences of Napoleon and Jomini. Almost all of the commanders on both sides were graduates at West Point where they had studied Napoleon's campaigns and Jomini's The Art of War under the tutelage of Dennis Hart Mahan. The Tullahoma Campaign is an almost perfect abstraction of maneuver on the battlefield. The only casualties occurred during fighting to gain access to mountain passes and gaps. Otherwise, the campaign was a choreography of maneuver. Rosecrans was trying to maneuver on Bragg's rear and Bragg recognizing the tactic for what it was, maneuvered away. Hence, Bragg was "maneuvered" out of Middle Tennessee almost without bloodshed.


It is interesting also to observe the validation of much of what Clausewitz had to say about warfare. Ironically, Clausewitz was unknown to most professional American soldiers. So while Jomini advocated objectives of maneuver and position, Clausewitz advocated destruction of the enemy.


Since in the engagement everything is concentrated on the destruction of the enemy, or rather of his armed forces, which is inherent in its very concept, it follows that the destruction of the enemy's forces is always the means by which the purpose of the engagement is achieved.


Jomini does not mention the words "luck," "chance," or "fortune." Clausewitz, on the other hand claims that chance is always present in warfare


It is now quite clear how greatly the objective nature of war makes it a matter of assessing probabilities. Only one more element is needed to make war a gamble'chance the very last thing that war lacks. No other human activity is so continuously or universally bound up with chance. And through the element of chance, guesswork and luck come to play a great part in war.


There is no better demonstration of this principle than Longstreet's being at the right place at the right time. The gap created by Wood's displacement was the event that turned the battle around for Bragg's army. Neither Longstreet nor Bragg appeared to be aware of the situation that allowed Longstreet's troops to break through the line.


There is also a strong temptation to mention one other military philosopher with respect to the Tullahoma Campaign


For to win one hundred victories in one hundred battles is not the acme of skill. To subdue the enemy without fighting is the acme of skill.


Finally, the significance of Tullahoma and Chickamauga, southern victory or not, was the deeper, permanent intrusion by the Union into the Confederacy. No other major battles fought in Virginia, Maryland, or Pennsylvania to this time resulted in similar permanent lodgments in the South. After Vicksburg and Chickamauga, Tennessee was lost to the Confederacy. Union armies were now closer to Atlanta, bases could be established, and lines of communication could be used that eventually allowed Sherman to march east and north and turn the Confederacy's strategic rear and flank. There is, one might claim, a direct line leading from the "shattering defeat" of Chickamauga to the Courthouse at Appomattox.


BIBLIOGRAPHY


Arnold, James R. Chickamauga The River of Death. Campaign Series, No. 17. London Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1.


Beringer, Richard E., Herman Hattaway, Archer Jones, and William N. Still, Jr. Why the South Lost the Civil War. Athens, GA University of Georgia Press, 186.


Clausewitz, Carl von. On War. Edited and translated by Michael Howard and Peter Paret and with introductory essays by Peter Paret, Michael Howard, and Bernard Brodie. Princeton, NJ Princeton University Press,176.


Doughty, Robert A., Ira D. Gruber, Roy K. Flint, Mark Grimsley, George C. Herring, Donald D. Horward, John A. Lynn, and Williamson Murray. Warfare in the Western World. vols. Lexington, MA D.C. Heath and Company, 16.


Dupuy, Colonel R. Ernest and Colonel Trevor N. Dupuy. The Compact History of the Civil War. New York Hawthorne Books, Inc., 160.


Esposito, Colonel Vincent J., ed. The West Point Atlas of American Wars. vols. New York Frederick A. Praeger, 15.


Feis, William B. Grant's Secret Service The Intelligence War from Belmont to Appomattox. Lincoln, NE University of Nebraska Press, 00.


Hankinson, Alan. Vicksburg 186 Grant Clears the Mississippi. Campaign Series, No. 6. London Osprey Publishing Ltd., 1.


Hattaway, Herman and Archer Jones. How the North Won A Military History of the Civil War. Urbana, IL University of Illinois Press, 18.


de Jomini, Baron Antoine Henri. The Art of War. With an introduction by Charles Messenger. Mechanicsburg, PA Stackpole Books, 1.


Steele, Matthew Forney. American Campaigns. vols. Washington United States Infantry Association, 1.


U.S. War Department. The War of the Rebellion A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. 70 vols. in 18 parts. Washington Government Printing Office, 1880 101.


U.S. War Department. The Official Atlas of the Civil War. New York Thomas Yoseloff, Inc., 158.


U.S. War Department. Atlas of the Battlefields of Chickamauga, Chattanooga and Vicinity. Washington Government Printing Office, 186-187.


Weigley, Russell F. A Great Civil War A Military and Political History, 1861-1865. Indianapolis Indiana University Press, 000.


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Thursday, November 14, 2019

War

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The last quarter of the seventeenth century was a time of great violence through out the colonial region. Warfare and conflict was a constant. Most of the conflicts were between the Indians and the colonists. Armed conflicts between Indian peoples and the Puritans colonies raged for control of land and trade, and needed for lands increases especially after the tobacco become the most important investment trade in the new world, mainly in Virginia colony, tobacco provided Virginia colonists with the merchant commodity. Also tobacco provided Virginia company with the first return of investment, but tobacco required a great deal of hand labor so the company instituted what were called head right grants, award of large plantations to men on the condition that they the transport worker from England at their won cost, and that will raise the number of Virginia population and needed for land become important after what called the indentured servant. Men and women contracted to labor for a master for a fixed time with eligible to freedom due, clothing, food, tools, and after finishing their servant term they have the right to have a land and start their life. . The extraordinary expansion of Puritans settlement and their hunger for land, created pressures for further expansion into the Indian territories. So king Philip's, a Nipmunk leader, convinced his people that they must break the peace and take up armed resistance against the Puritans.


At the same time as king Philip's war, another English- Indian confrontation took place in the Chesapeake, Bacon's Rebellion. At that time Chesapeake region was experiencing numerous changes. Population is growing because People live longer than the past; in the beginning 000 migrants go to the new world 000 were survived because of diseases from the swamp areas were they chose to live and settle James town. Also more food began to grown, swamps are being drained and that time servants ended their freedom due and start looking for their lands, so landlords and planter become in more critical situation because that will lead to lose off laborers and would raise the tobacco production and decrease the prices. Landlords used their political power to put new laws, by ended freedom due and limited servants rights to control them, and they instituted poll tax that every adult male should pay taxes (Gold, sliver, tobacco)


People needed more lands to live but most of the lands were been owned, so they start to move out and searched for land the only lands that they had were the native lands, so a conflict began between the landless and the tobacco planters. Bacon asked for help from Virginia governor William Berkeley to have lands. Bacons and his men move from James town to get the lands, after Berkeley promised to support them but he called Virginia militia on Bacon, so Bacon heard Berkeley's idea, he turned around and drives Berkeley militia out and burned the town. The rebellion thus signaled a developing conflict between the frontier districts such as Bacon and the established tidewater region where the Indian problem had long since been settled.


Europe also experienced lot warfare and conflicts, especially between the two powerful countries France and England for control of North America, and they faced a war between them and the most powerful native tribe Iroquois, it was a bloody war, Europeans had been completely destroyed by the native tribe. Also Europe experienced Glorious revolution that had roots with the English revolution. The main reason of glorious revolution was the conflict between the catholic church and the protestant (Puritans). After Charles II, the head of the Catholic Church, died his brother James II took over the throne, he and his wife were catholic but his daughter were protestant, the king after age of 58 he had a son, the little Charles, the puritans didn't like that, they chased the king and his family and kicked them out of England, and offered the throne to his daughter queen Mary II and her husband William of orange. At that time James raised army and moved to Ireland to get a support from them, the he moved to England to get his throne back but he defeated by William of orange and his army. The new world heard about James defeat and they get ride off his authority and Andiron who signed by king James. Puritans after that fond them selves without a government they forget their ideal about city on the hill.


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Seventeenth century was filled with wars and conflicts to Europe and the new world.


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Wednesday, November 13, 2019

Colonial Narrative Writers

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Colonial Narrative Writers


Ms. Little 1st period


Vandana Murty


The people who explored or had life-altering experiences in the New World were the informative writers of colonial times. Most of the books were a product of remarkable experiences by gifted individuals who felt the need to share with other people. Some of these said writers were; Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca, Pedro de Castaneda, John Smith, William Bradford, and Mary Rowlandson. De Vaca, Castaneda and Smith were the professional explorers in this group and Bradford and Rowlandson were settlers. Each had something different to write about, but still related to one another in very significant ways.


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Many writers of the day wrote about the opportunistic land to inform their reader and perhaps to encourage them to settle in the New World. Others, like de Vaca weren't blessed with a wonderful experience to write about. When de Vaca arrived to the New World in the 150, he wandered around in Texas for eight years before traveling home again. The journey was very tough. Out of three hundred men, only three, including de Vaca survived. De Vaca in unique because he was one of the few writers who did not keep a journal, instead de Vaca wrote his book out of memory. Considering that de Vaca wrote his book in the 1550's, twenty years later, this resulted in very broad details, a traumatic view of the New World and probably some exaggeration in descriptions. He wrote chronologically by what he remembered and wrote from the first person view. De Vaca's intent for writing The Narrative of his Journey was far from sincere, he needed money and wanted to give some honor to his name as an author. However, his book does provide some interesting facts and a different perspective of America as we know it today.


Pedro de Castaneda came to America in 1540 and spent two years here. Like de Vaca, Castaneda was a Spanish explorer. Unlike de Vaca, Castaneda kept a journal and wrote in abundant detail. He also published his book out of genuine interest and was one of the few amateur colonial writers to do so. Castaneda wrote about his experiences in the 1560's through a book entitled, The Journey of Coronado. As stated before, Castaneda writes in very minute detail by describing the buffalo and the healthy grass and trees. Ironically, even though he keeps a day-to-day journal, Castaneda writes his book thematically with chapters. He does have some personal commentary in his work, but very limited as his journal was the official record of the groups' expedition and was meant for factual reference only. Castaneda writes from first person and gives a very contradicting view to a reader who has read de Vaca's book and then Castaneda's.


John Smith was an English explorer who disembarked in America in 1607. He explored most of the east coast and named Jamestown. Smith was an egotistical yet brilliant soldier. He is associated with the 'First American Myth', the Pocahontas episode. He wrote quite a few books, but the main ones are A True Relation, the first English book about the New World; General History of Virginia; and A Description of New England. In the General History of Virginia, Smith writes in third person, but refers to himself as Captain Smith. As stated already, Smith is a bit self-centered, so he praises himself, his looks, genius, and tactics throughout the book. Smith writes chronologically and includes detail, but not as much as Castaneda. There is some indirect commentary in his book, but personal commentary is limited. For example, he may describe something as he sees it, but not make it certain that it is his opinion being stated. In his third book, A Description of New England, Smith does a tremendous job of leaving himself out of it and writing in second person to focus directly on the reader. Smith's intent in this book is to convince British people who don't have any obligations or responsibilities to settle in New England. He also encourages others who need to start over in life to come to this land. Smith gives many appealing reasons such as wealth for the homeland and personal satisfaction through hard work. These morals are the basis for the American ideal today. Hard work, perseverance, and living a moral life are a few of the many characteristics that make a true 'American'. So, while Smith may not have been the most appealing personality to know, he did contribute much to the latter America.


William Bradford was the only writer who never intended on publishing anything. He wrote in his journal of the Puritan's experiences while settling. He wrote of God's providence and hard work so that the future generations would know of their forefathers and not forget their morals. Half of the journal was recorded in the Church records, but when British explorers rampaged and burned the town, a British soldier stole the original. It was later published in Britain. Bradford wrote his journal in the 160's. The details Bradford included were broad and carefully chosen. Out of all five authors discussed, Bradford is the one who includes the most commentary. Although most of the book, Plymouth Plantation, is written in third person, he interjects to include his personal commentary and then continues writing in third person again. William Bradford and Castaneda relate in the fact that both write out of genuine interest or concern. They don't write to restore their reputation, like de Vaca, or to bring fame, like Smith. These two writers are seemingly the more connecting writers during these times.


Mary Rowlandson is unique first, because she is one of the very few female writers in the colonial age. Second, because hers is an archetype, or an initial representation of that kind of book. Rowlandson writes about her experience as a hostage of a Native American tribe. She was held prisoner for nearly three months and then ransomed for eighty dollars by a Puritan settlement. Rowlandson's purpose for her book was to restore her reputation. Since Rowlandson was a Puritan, even if she was raped it was considered sinful on her behalf. Since Rowlandson wasn't she needed to establish that fact so she wasn't shunned. Also Rowlandson realized that the pagan Indians had humane feelings. When she was weeping for her lost child, they gave her food and clothes to console her. She was not treated roughly, but more like a servant. The Indians were also going through rough times, hunger and lack of shelter, but they still kept her alive. Rowlandson's book was written chronologically and in first person with very minute details, but little commentary. Rowlandson wrote her book A Narration of the Captivity and Restoration of Mrs. Mary Rowlandson in 1675 in and passed away shortly afterward.


Although colonial literature was very different from modern literature it holds much factual and emotional value. Many Americans don't know where the 'American ideal' derived from or how hard the Puritans had to work while settling. These books provide needed information. Whether these works were the result of exhilarating experiences or the by-products of struggles, they paint narrative literature with vibrant colors.


Please note that this sample paper on Colonial Narrative Writers is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on Colonial Narrative Writers, we are here to assist you. Your cheap custom research papers on Colonial Narrative Writers will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.


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Tuesday, November 12, 2019

People

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Compare and Contrast In the world of entertainment, TV talk shows have undoubtedly flooded every inch of space on daytime television. Many of us have seen and heard the often recycled topics found on such shows as Jerry Springer and Oprah Winfrey. And anyone who watches talk shows on a regular basis knows that each one varies in style and format. One might enjoy watching the sometimes trashy subject matter found on Jerry Springer, while someone else might prefer the more serious and light hearted feel of the Oprah Winfrey show. But no two shows are more profoundly opposite in content. Jerry Springer could easily be considered the king of trash talk. The topics on his show are as shocking as they get. For example, the show takes the ever common talk show themes of love, lust, sex, sexuality, adultery, cheating, guilt, hate, conflict and morality to a different level. In a vintage Springer show, one finds women who cheated on their boyfriends and are ready to confess. But the boyfriends are in for a bigger surprise. As it turns out that all the women havent been secretly seeing other guys, but seeing other women, who also happen to be waiting backstage. Another episode tells of a John Wayne Bobbit type case, but with a more twisted plot. A male cuts off his own manhood because he claimed that his homosexual neighbor was stalking him. Shocking, indeed, but the list of talk material goes on from dangerous love triangles, broken homes, pregnant strippers, teenage prostitutes, adult film stars, devil worshippers and the ever popular talk show regulars, the members of the Ku Klux Klan. Clearly, the Jerry Springer show is a display and exploitation of societies mora catastrophes, yet people are willing to eat up the intriguing predicaments of other peoples lives. Oprah Winfrey was once a follower of the trash TV format, but her long running popular TV talk show has since been reformed. Like Jerry Springer, the Oprah Winfrey show takes talk TV to its extreme, but Oprah goes in the opposite direction. Oprah is probably the most immaculate talk show there is. It is unlikely that you will find guest on Oprah that have committed adultery, have sold their souls to the devil, or are part of a racist hate group. Instead, the show focuses on the improvement of society and an individuals quality of life. Topics range from teaching your children responsibility, managing your work week, proper etiquette, getting to know your neighbors and entertaining interviews with celebrities. Not many talk shows are interested in taking time to teach children right from wrong, or give techniques to get along with people better, but it seems that the Oprah shows top priority is to educate first, and then entertain. Compared to Oprah, the Jerry Springer show looks like toxic waste being dumped on society. Still, there are times when Jerry Springer has made an effort to help the troubled people on his show. The most notable is when he has helped extremely obese people get to the hospital and help them turn their lives around. The entire process is still taped for its entertainment value, but at least something good came out of it. Jerry also ends every show with a final word. He makes a small speech that sums up the entire moral of the show. Hopefully, this is the part where most people will learn something very valuable. Even if Oprah is as squeaky clean as it is, the show is not for everyone. The shows main target audience that are working middle-class Americans. A vast majority of these people usually have the time, money, and stability to deal with lifes tougher problems. Jerry Springer, on the other hand, has more of an association with the young adults of society. These are your 18 -1 year-olds whose main troubles in life involve love, relationship, sex, pregnancy, money, peers and influence. They are the ones who see some value and lessons to be learned underneath the shows exploitation. While these two talk shows are as different as night and day, both have ruled the talk show circuit for many years now. Each one caters to a different audience while both have a strong following from legions of fans. Ironically, both could also be considered pioneers in the talk show world. Jerry Springers crude and vulgar topics may be looked down upon, but no other talk show comes close to the raw exposure of its guest. Oprah Winfrey was able to break away and create a unique and highly successful talk show. Even as these to talk shows stand on opposite sides of the spectrum, both have managed to stand alone to their highest extremes and are considered the best at what they are.


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Monday, November 11, 2019

My year of meats

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Ethics In Meat Production


Most people are not concerned about where or how the meat on their dinner table comes from, because they are shielded from the gruesome images of the slaughterhouses and the hidden truths of how meat is produced. However, in the book "My Year of Meats", the author Ruth L. Ozeki creates a storyline that uses the protagonist, Jane, to discover toxicity in meat, especially beef. The book especially focuses on beef, as it might be the most widely eaten meat in this country; however, it is also a dangerous meat for humans to consume. The story takes us inside the inner workings of feedlots and slaughterhouses. The evidences is shocking and frightening to the reader. Because the reason is that Ozeki uses descriptive diction, very clear similes, and understatements in dialogues to expose the unsanitary, horrible conditions of meat industries and the irresponsible role they play. Her book is a challenge to today's culture and society pleading them to take a look at the dishonesty behind meat productions in America.


Ozeki describes the filthy feedlot andslaughterhouse through the use of vivid and expressive words. For example, when Jane stepped into the cattle feedlot, she saw "the dirt was parched and the hot wind buffeted [her]


face with a stench [she] could taste'the sick-sweet smell of manure, cut with searing fumes of ammonia that rose from the urine-drenched ground"


Help with essay on my year of meats


(58). Here, Ozeki paints a visual surrounding of the dirty feedlot. Using phrases


like "a stench you could taste," "sick-sweet smell of manure," as well as "the urine-drenched ground," Ozeki is able to stimulate the senses'taste,


smell, and sight. Thus, when imagining the place, it creates a repelling response. In addition, the feedlot is filled with dust and dirt so it is no


wonder that after Jane visited the site, she "kept imagining what the dust must contain, the microscopic particulates of toxic powder, dissolving in [her] sweat, now leaching back through [her] pores, and the thought


made [her] skin prickle and flush and sweat some more" (68). Ozeki emphasizes that this filth can be harmful to the cattle, which can cause the meat


to be unhealthy. Using phrases such as "microscopic…powder" and words like "dissolving" and "leaching," she is creating a sense as if germs are entering a body (like a cow's) to injure its victim. When they do, they harm the victim by making their "skin prickle and flush and sweat," which implicitly means the powder in the feedlot "dissolves" into the cow. And this brings us to see that the infected meat could make the consumer sick. Through the use of these word descriptions, Ozeki is able to display the dirty truth in the feedlots, which is horribly harmful to its consumer.


Please note that this sample paper on my year of meats is for your review only. In order to eliminate any of the plagiarism issues, it is highly recommended that you do not use it for you own writing purposes. In case you experience difficulties with writing a well structured and accurately composed paper on my year of meats, we are here to assist you. Your essay on my year of meats will be written from scratch, so you do not have to worry about its originality.


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