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The surprise attack on Pearl Harbor had such a dynamic effect that it immediately shifted the public opinion from "isolationist neutrality" to "determined intervention." Following the events of Pearl Harbor, the citizens the United States held many contrasting opinions in regards to Japanese Americans. Hawaii, for example, called for just treatment of the Japanese. General Delos Emmons, military governor of Hawaii, and the president of the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce were unwilling to permit the Japanese's mass evacuation. They stated that their internment would not only annihilate their labor force, but would also destroy the economy of the islands. Hawaii asserted this viewpoint because of a long history of interaction with the Japanese in the islands. On the other hand, leaders from the mainland argued that the potential saboteurs must be evacuated. Lieutenant General John L. DeWitt, head of the Western Defense Command, claimed a different opinion than Emmons' in Hawaii. DeWitt wanted to be granted the power to exclude Japanese aliens, as well as Japanese Americans from restricted areas. Beginning on January 5, 14, the resentment against the Japanese people was being portrayed by the public in newspapers and magazines. The Japanese who were regarded as "loyal" had played an important part in the success of Japanese attacks. The resentment against the Japanese grew as patriotic organizations, such as the California Department of the American Legion, campaigned for Japanese removal. Major General Joseph Stilwell noticed that the claim of military necessity for mass evacuation was based primarily upon "public and political pressure," which leads to Roosevelt's Executive Order 066 of 14. This order states that the "successful prosecution of the war requires every possible protection against espionage and sabotage to national defense material, premises, and utilities." One of the most responsible for the internment of Japanese Americans was Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy. He agreed with DeWitt's military assessments regarding the need for incarceration of Japanese Americans to support the excuse of military necessity. McCloy, along with state and local politicians, fully approved of the Executive Order. Many local patriotic groups, newspapers and politicians voted for the new order and began to "jump on the bandwagon calling for Japanese American removal." Because of Roosevelt's executive order, there were Japanese who challenged the United States, as in the case of Gordon Hirabayashi, a student at the University of Washington who had been imprisoned because he refused to obey a curfew imposed by General DeWitt and failed to report to an assembly center for evacuation. In June 14, Judge Lloyd Black denied Hirabayashi's challenge that the orders presented a case of unlawful racial discrimination. Black then told the jurors that they were "instructed to return a finding of guilty." The jurors returned within ten minutes, and Hirabayashi was sentenced to three months in jail, in addition to the five months he has already served. The American public felt that in case of an invasion "there would be among [the Japanese Americans] a number of persons who might assist the enemy." Another internment case involves a Nisei, born in Oakland, California, Toyosaburo Korematsu. After Roosevelt signed the Executive Order, Korematsu assumed an identity as a person of Spanish Hawaiian descent. He was recognized and arrested for violating Order 066. Korematsu was tried on September 8, 14 and sentenced to five years of probation. The case was presented to the Supreme Court in 144, where in a split decision ruled against Korematsu. Justice Frank Murphy called the evacuation order a "legalization of racism." In both cases, the Supreme Court "upheld the legality of the removal because of the clear and present danger" which threatened the nation. Most of the Hawaiians did not agree with the Supreme Court's decision, but most of Americans in the mainland supported the verdict of the internment cases.
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